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Content: WORLD·WATCH Vision for a Sustainable World A Challenge to Conservationists BY MAC CHAPIN Excerpted from the November/December 2004 WORLD WATCH magazine © 2004 Worldwatch Institute www.worldwatch.org
A Challenge to Conservationists
As corporate and government money flow into the three big interNational organizations that dominate the world's conservation agenda, their programs have been marked by growing conflicts of interest--and by a disturbing neglect of the indigenous peoples whose land they are in business to protect.
BY MAC CHAPIN
A WAKE-UP CALL
ing to protect. In some cases, there were complaints
In June 2003, representatives of major foundations that the conservationists were being abusive.
concerned with the planet's threatened biodiversity*
The meeting led to a series of soul-searching dis-
gathered in South Dakota for a meeting of the Con- cussions, led by Jeff Campbell of the Ford Foundation,
sultative Group on Biodiversity. On the second evening, who initiated two studies--one to assess what was really
after dinner, several of the attendees met to discuss a happening between the Indigenous communities and
problem about which they had become increasingly dis- conservationists, and the other to look into the finan-
turbed. In recent years, their foundations had given mil- cial situation of each of these three big groups.
lions of dollars of support to nonprofit conservation
The work plan (or "terms of reference") given to
organizations, and had even helped some of those the investigators contained two key observations about
groups get launched. Now, however, there were indi- the three conservation giants: they had become
cations that three of the largest of these organiza- extremely large and wealthy in a short period of time;
tions--World Wildlife Fund (WWF), Conservation and they were promoting global approaches to con-
International (CI), and The Nature Conservancy servation "that have evoked a number of questions--
(TNC)--were increasingly excluding, from full involve- and complaints--from local communities, national
ment in their programs, the indigenous and traditional NGOs and human rights activists."
peoples living in territories the conservationists were try-
Because the two studies provided only a quick first
foray into terrain that is undeniably complex, geo-
Editor's Note We anticipate that this article will launch an open and public
graphically extensive, and diverse (WWF, for example, works in more than 90 countries around the world),
discussion about a complex and contentious issue that has been
debated behind closed doors in recent months. While the fresh air may at times be chilly, we believe that active, engaged discussion is essential to resolving these issues and to strengthening the con-
* Among those foundations represented were Ford, MacArthur, Moriah, Wallace Global, C.S. Mott, and Oak.
servation and indigenous community movements.
"Indigenous and traditional peoples" is a more inclusive category than
The author of the article is an active "player" in that debate, and we look forward to publishing other views in the January/ February issue. We therefore invite all interested readers, including staff of the "Big Three" conservation organizations discussed
simply "indigenous peoples." "Traditional peoples" includes nonindigenous groups that are long-standing residents of wilderness areas, such as the rubber tappers of Brazil and long-term Ladino and Creole residents of the Caribbean coastal region of Central America.
herein, to submit responses for publication. We welcome the views of indigenous people, NGOs that are working with indigenous groups, foundations or agencies that fund such work, and others
Documentation of this article is presented here in two forms: footnotes (flagged by asterisks and daggers) elaborating on key points; and source references (flagged by superscripts) listed in sequence at the
concerned with these issues.
end of the article.
{
November/December 2004 WORLD·WATCH
17
they were understood to be just rough sketches that hand. In 1989, it brought in yet another group of
could help orient discussions among the concerned defectors--this time from WWF--and began expand-
foundations. The findings were not intended--initially, ing with the help of an aggressive fundraising machine
at least--for publication.
that has become the envy of all of its competitors.
There were many people working either in the field However, a substantial portion of its funding comes from
(as I was) or in the foundations sponsoring field proj- just four organizations: the Gordon & Betty Moore
ects in biodiversity and cultural diversity, who wanted Foundation, the MacArthur Foundation, the World
to see these findings aired. As an anthropologist who Bank, and the Global Environment Facility (GEF).
had been working with indigenous peoples for more TNC and WWF, in contrast, have far more diverse
than 35 years (most recently as director of the Center funding bases.
for Native Lands), I was acutely familiar--and increas-
Discussion of "natural" alliances between conser-
ingly uneasy--with the conditions that had precipitated vationists and indigenous peoples and the need to work
the two Ford investigations.
closely with local communities, common just a few
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
years ago, has largely disappeared. It has been displaced, in the biggest conservationist NGOs, by talk of
Complaints had been building for more than a decade, changed priorities, with a new focus on large-scale con-
and they paralleled the extraordinary growth of the servation strategies and the importance of science,
major conservation organizations. WWF, for example, rather than social realities, in determining their agen-
was founded in 1961 with a small office in Switzerland. das. At the same time, there has been an undercurrent
Its program was limited to coordination and fundrais- of talk about how "difficult" indigenous peoples can
ing activities for the International Union for the Con- be, how hard they are to work with, and, in places such
servation of Nature (IUCN), which implemented as Ecuador, Bolivia, and the Chiapas region of Mex-
programs in the field. WWF grew slowly over the ensu- ico, how some have moved in the direction of civil dis-
ing years, spawning country and regional offices in var- ruption and even violence. Then there have been
ious countries of the industrial north. Third World cautions from various quarters of the conservation
countries weren't included until later. During the first movement that indigenous peoples are not--contrary
two decades, despite its expansion, the WWF family to what many of them have been advertising--suitable
remained small. In the late 1970s, for example, the U.S. allies because they, like most other people, are not even
branch of WWF fit on one floor of a relatively small good conservationists, sometimes choosing their eco-
building on Dupont Circle in Washington, D.C., staffed nomic wellbeing over preservation of natural resources.
by 25 people. In the early 1980s, it began to grow rap- Examples of the Kayapу in Brazil logging their forests
idly--and today fills up four floors of a luxurious build- and Mayans slashing and burning the forests of the Petйn
ing nearby. Worldwide, the U.S. and international of Guatemala are often trotted out as examples of the
branches of WWF now employ close to 4,000 people. destructive tendencies of indigenous peoples.
The Nature Conservancy started up in the mid-
Indigenous peoples, on whose land the three con-
1940s, when a small group of scientists joined forces servation groups have launched a plethora of programs,
to save natural areas in the United States. In 1965 have for their part become increasingly hostile. One of
TNC used a grant from the Ford Foundation to pay their primary disagreements is over the establishment of
the salary of its first full-time president. In the 1970s, protected natural areas, which, according to the human
it grew to cover all 50 states and expanded into Latin inhabitants of those areas, often infringe on their rights.
America. Fueled by fresh injections of bilateral and Sometimes the indigenous people are evicted, and the
multilateral money, as well as corporate support, it conservationists frequently seem to be behind the evic-
began a vertiginous growth spurt in the 1990s--and tions. On other occasions, traditional uses of the land
spread into new regions of the globe; yet the bulk of have been declared "illegal," resulting in prosecution of
TNC's work is carried out domestically. It is now the the inhabitants by government authorities. Coupled to
largest conservation organization in the world, with all of this has been the partnering of conservationist
assets in excess of $3 billion.
organizations with multinational corporations--partic-
Conservation International began in dramatic fash- ularly in the businesses of gas and oil, pharmaceuticals,
ion in 1986. During the previous several years, TNC's and mining--that are directly involved in pillaging and
international program had grown rapidly, and tension destroying forest areas owned by indigenous peoples.
with its other programs had mounted. When TNC's
How did relations deteriorate so rapidly and so dras-
central management tried to rein it in, virtually the entire tically? In the 1970s and through much of the 1980s,
international staff bolted and transformed itself into CI. conservationists and indigenous peoples had little to do
From the start, the new organization was well equipped with each other. In Latin America, for example, the
with staff, contacts, and money it had assembled before- large conservation NGOs tended to work through {
18
WORLD·WATCH November/December 2004
urban-based local groups and there was little awareness conservationists' programs were ineffectual.
of who the indigenous peoples in the various countries
COICA's appeal presented Two Agendas--one for
were. By the mid-1980s, however, the wall was breached conservationists, the other for the multilateral banks.
within WWF by a program called Wildlands and Human It included this declaration:
Needs, a community-based conservation effort, with
We, the Indigenous Peoples, have been an integral
financing from the U.S. Agency for International Devel-
part of the Amazon Biosphere for millennia. We have
opment (USAID). This was seen as something of a dis-
used and cared for the resources of that biosphere with
traction by many within WWF, who were mainly
a great deal of respect, because it is our home, and
biologists lacking experience working with communi-
because we know that our survival and that of our
ties. They viewed the new program as an unwanted
future generations depends on it. Our accumu-
diversion from strict conservation, which they saw as their
lated knowledge about the ecology of our home, our
mission. It was seen as an imposition by USAID, which
models for living with the peculiarities of the Ama-
was pushing for a more grassroots approach.
zon Biosphere, our reverence and respect for the
In 1989, the Coordinating Body of Indigenous
tropical forest and its other inhabitants, both plant
Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA) made an
and animal, are the keys to guaranteeing the future
appeal directly to "the community of concerned envi-
of the Amazon Basin, not only for our peoples, but
ronmentalists" at the international level, proposing
also for all humanity.2
that they form an alliance "in defense of our Amazon-
COICA's arguments combined human rights con-
ian homeland."1 COICA's call for collaborative action siderations with practical suggestions for action in the
came at a time when the Amazonian ecosystem was areas of sustainable development, territorial defense, con-
being threatened as never before by heavily funded servation, and research, all reflecting indigenous pri-
and ill-conceived development and colonization proj- orities. It proposed that the conser vation and
ects, cattle ranching, and unregulated logging and min- development organizations "work directly with our
ing operations. The appeal noted that the organizations on all your programs and campaigns
conservationists "have left us, the Indigenous Peoples, which affect our homelands." At the time, this sug-
out of your vision of the Amazonian Biosphere." That gestion came as a revelation to many conservation-
omission, they claimed, was the primary reason the ists--an alternative approach that just might work! {
November/December 2004 WORLD·WATCH
19
Some of them wondered why such an obvious con- ported this approach to what was then in vogue: the
nection had not occurred to them earlier.
concept of sustainable development. It soon became a
Two Agendas had great impact around the world and bandwagon onto which many organizations jumped.6
generated much discussion about partnerships, alliances, The initiatives that appeared were variously called "com-
co-management of protected areas, participatory man- munity-based natural resource management," "com-
agement, and a variety of other working relationships. munity-based conservation," "sustainable development
In May 1990, COICA hosted The First Amazon Sum- and use," "grassroots conservation," "devolution of
mit Meeting Between Indigenous Peoples and Envi- resource rights to local communities," and--perhaps
ronmentalists, in the Peruvian city of Iquitos. Delegates most commonly--"integrated conservation and devel-
arrived from indigenous communities in Peru, Bolivia, opment programs" (ICDPs). It is important to note that
Ecuador, Colombia, and Brazil, as well as from the Bank all of these terms were generated by the conservation
Information Center, the Fundaciуn Peruana para la organizations, not by the indigenous peoples; and the
Conservaciуn de la Naturaleza, Friends of the Earth, programs were designed and run by the conservation-
Greenpeace, National Wildlife Federation, Probe Inter- ists, not the indigenous peoples. Funders provided
national, Rainforest Action Network, The Rainforest money to the conservation organizations to develop pro-
Alliance, the Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund, the grams for indigenous communities, and small units
World Resources Institute, CI, and WWF. At the end were formed in-house to carry out this mandate.
of this meeting, everyone signed the Declaration of Iquitos, which, among other things, concluded that "it is EMERGING DIFFICULTIES
necessary to continue working in the future as an The outcome of these attempts to work with indige-
alliance of indigenous peoples and environmentalists for nous communities was, with a few exceptions, a string
an Amazonia for humanity."3
of failures. On the ground, ICDPs were generally pater-
In 1992, the role of indigenous peoples in protected nalistic, lacking in expertise, and one-sided--driven
areas was a major topic at the International Union for largely by the agendas of the conservationists, with lit-
the Conservation of Nature-sponsored IVth World tle indigenous input. As a consequence, few partner-
Congress on National Parks and Protected Areas, held ships were formed in the wake of COICA's proposal,
in Caracas, Venezuela. During this period, the IUCN and few of those that were formed functioned very well.
and WWF began producing a stream of declarations, According to Thomas McShane of WWF International,
statements of principles, and policy documents dis- "Encouraged by the frantic quest for examples of sus-
cussing the value of traditional knowledge, the need to tainable development, ICDPs exploded in popularity,
respect indigenous traditions, and the importance of rapidly advancing from an untested idea attracting seed
forging partnerships.4
money to `best practice' for biodiversity conservation."
The IUCN-WWF "Principles and Guidelines on The fact that conservation organizations were perhaps
Indigenous and Traditional Peoples and Protected not suited to work in the social and economic realms
Areas," was formally presented in October 1996.5 It was missed in all the excitement. Successes have been
begins with the observation that indigenous peoples have few and far between, and today an expanding barrage
a long history with the natural world and "a deep of mostly critical literature has fueled concern among
understanding of it." It continues: "Often they have organizations implementing and financing ICDPs.7
made significant contributions to the maintenance of
Others, however, have claimed that community-
many of the earth's most fragile ecosystems," and there- based conservation schemes are inherently contrary to
fore there is no inherent conflict between the objectives the goals of biodiversity conservation, which should be
of conservationists and indigenous peoples. "More- based on rigorous biological science. For this reason,
over, [indigenous peoples] should be recognized as it is said, they are doomed to failure, regardless of who
rightful, equal partners in the development and imple- runs them or how they are run. TNC's Katrina Bran-
mentation of conservation strategies that affect their don and her colleagues Kent H. Redford and Steven
lands, territories, waters, coastal seas, and other E. Sanderson wrote, "The trend to promote sustain-
resources, and in particular in the establishment and able use of resources as a means to protect these
management of protected areas." If somewhat patron- resources, while politically expedient and intellectually
izing in tone, at least the document spelled out the need appealing, is not well grounded in biological and eco-
for co-management and respect for both indigenous logical knowledge. Not all things can be preserved
peoples and their knowledge of the environment.
through use. Not all places should be open to use.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the conservation Without an understanding of broader ecosystem dynam-
groups began designing programs to work with com- ics at specific sites, strategies promoting sustainable
munities. Donors, too--both private foundations and use will lead to substantial losses of biodiversity."8
multi- and bilateral donor agencies--strongly sup-
In their discussion of TNC's Parks in Peril (PiP)
{
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WORLD·WATCH November/December 2004
program, financed by USAID during the 1990s, Bran- idea of what should be done. "They see themselves as
don, Redford, and Sanderson repeatedly call commu- scientists doing God's work," says one critic, pointing
nity-based conservation approaches "catchy phrases" out the conservationists' sense of "a divine mission to
and "slogans" based on "stereotypes." These slogans save the Earth." Armed with science, they define the
and catchy phrases, they say, mislead by promising terms of engagement. Then they invite the indigenous
that "conflicts over resources can be resolved with rel- residents to participate in the agenda that they have laid
ative ease" (Ibid.) and divert us from the true task of out. If the indigenous peoples don't like the agenda, they
protecting biodiversity, which has to be an enterprise will simply be ignored. "I think there's been a shift," says
based on sound science. Redford, in particular, has a key official at one of the major foundations that have
sought over the years to debunk the stereotype of the supported the conservationist NGOs--"a shift away
"noble ecological savage," 9 which he claims has been from building local capacity [by helping to launch local
cynically used by "...indigenous peoples and their NGOs that can then work with the indigenous com-
advocates...because they recognize the power of this munities in their own countries]. These groups now see
concept in rallying support for their struggle for land themselves as semi-permanent international organiza-
rights, particularly from important international con- tions, that are not working themselves out of a job."
servation organizations." 10
The fact is that indigenous peoples and conserva-
Be this as it may, the core fact remains that indige- tionists have very different agendas. Indigenous agen-
nous peoples were never given the chance to design and das almost invariably begin with the need to protect and
run their own projects, and with conservationists at the legalize their lands for their own use. They emphasize
helm the failures mounted. Many projects were ill con- the importance of finding ways to make a living on the
ceived by the conservationists. Projects dealing with land without destroying those resources. And they give
agroforestry and organic gardening fell apart because high priority to documenting their people's history, tra-
no one had figured out how to market what was grown. ditions, and cultural identity.
Local ecological conditions were often wrong for the
Conservationist agendas, by contrast, often begin
crops introduced. Local people were not interested in with the need to establish protected areas that are off-
setting up parks and doing management plans, which limits to people, and to develop management plans. If
was what the conservationists proposed. Environmen- they include indigenous peoples in their plans, they tend
tal education projects in indigenous areas were mod- to see those people more as a possible means to an end
eled on urban programs. In short, the conservationists rather than as ends in themselves. They are seldom
had little experience working with community groups. willing to support legal battles over land tenure and the
Funders grew impatient, and relations between con- strengthening of indigenous organizations; they con-
servationists and indigenous peoples became increas- sider these actions "too political" and outside their
ingly tense--and, in some respects, intransigent. In its conservationist mandate. They have been reluctant to
official policies, WWF-U.S. has continued to voice support indigenous peoples in their struggles against
respect for indigenous peoples, yet in many of its pro- oil, mining, and logging companies that are destroy-
nouncements it displays a studied lack of interest toward ing vast swaths of rainforest throughout the world.
partnerships with indigenous or local communities of Again, the excuse is that such interventions would be
any stripe.* In broad strategy statements about its "too political," and the conservationists often defer to
ecoregional approach, WWF simply avoids talk of
involvement with indigenous peoples at all. In late 2002, the director of the WWF Latin America program told me flatly, in reference to the Amazon Basin, "We don't work with indigenous people. We don't have the capacity to work with indigenous people." Around this time, a CI biologist who works with the Kayapу in the
* In 2000, WWF International, in collaboration with a group called Terralingua, produced a report entitled Indigenous and Traditional Peoples of the World and Ecoregion Conservation: An Integrated Approach to Conserving the World's Biological and Cultural Diversity (endnote 32). This was an attempt to bring together the earlier policy statements and the ecoregional approach; yet it appears to have had little effect on WWF's program, and in any case the major author, Gonzalo Oviedo,
Lower Xingu region of Brazil told me: "Quite frankly, departed from WWF International shortly after.
I don't care what the Indians want. We have to work A WWF document titled "A Guide to Socioeconomic Assessments for
to conserve the biodiversity." This last comment may sound crass, but I believe that it accurately represents the prevalent way of thinking within the large conservation organizations. Although
Ecoregion Conservation," published in 2000, talks about potential collaborators and partners ("`partnership' implies a closer working relationship"). It notes that "reversing biodiversity loss at the scales required by ecoregion conservation may require close collaboration or partnerships with and among industry, the private sector, resource own-
they won't say it openly, the attitude of many conser- ers and harvesters, government development agencies, foreign affairs
vationists is that they have the money and they are going to call the shots. They have cordoned off certain areas
departments, policy fora, and others" (WWF-U.S. Ecoregional Conservation Strategies Unit 2000: 5-6). Indigenous peoples are not included as potential collaborators or partners. Also notable is the absence of
for conservation, and in their own minds they have a clear mention of local NGOs. {
November/December 2004 WORLD·WATCH
21
national governments to handle those matters.
and the turn of the century, the amount of funds avail-
Beyond this pervasive reluctance, there is the diffi- able for conservation [has] declined almost by 50 per-
culty of reconciling cultural differences between indus- cent." At the same time, "the funding made available
trialized and indigenous ways of viewing the world, to the large NGOs [WWF, TNC, and CI] has increased
deliberating, negotiating, and making decisions. Andrew [italics added] in both relative and absolute terms."12
Chapeskie notes the difficulties faced by those seeking
Against the overall decline in conservation funding,
co-management schemes in the Canadian context:
the growth of the big NGOs has been accomplished in
How should co-management arrangements be
large part through an expansion of their fundraising
established for lands and waters where one set of
reach into new areas, with a wide array of tactics. One
relationships to land--the aboriginal--have been
recent estimate notes that the combined revenues of
built around the normative values of equity, coop-
WWF, TNC, and CI in 2002 for work in the develop-
eration and reciprocity that is expressed in terms
ing countries amounted to more than half of the approx-
of Local Authority and common property access
imately $1.5 billion available for conservation in 2002;
arrangements while the other set of relationships to
and the Big Three's investments in conservation in the
land--those regulated by the state--have been
developing world grew from roughly $240 million in
built around the normative values of competition,
1998 to close to $490 million in 2002.*13
exclusive rights to property/resources, and cen-
The Big Three's fundraising covers virtually all of
tralized management authority? These are chal-
the bases: private foundations, bilateral and multilat-
lenging questions as much for aboriginal
eral agencies, corporations, the U.S. government, and
communities as they are for their non-aboriginal
individuals (WWF even has a program called "Pennies
counterparts in Northwestern Ontario.11
for the Planet" that taps into children's piggy banks).
Establishing a relationship of trust across cultures, The boom can be traced to a strategic shift. Whereas
when people come to the table carrying different agen- two decades ago the bulk of the Big Three's funding
das and worldviews, requires patience and respect-- came from private foundations and individuals, it now
qualities that are hard to muster even in normal flows more abundantly from bilateral and multilateral
circumstances. The challenge grows exponentially agencies and private corporations. The foundations
more difficult when money intervenes and the rela- and individual donors have by no means been aban-
tionship becomes glaringly asymmetrical, with virtu- doned, and still make up a large percentage of the total
ally all of the money and power held by one side.
budgets. But the offerings of the new bilateral, multi-
THE MONEY
lateral, and corporate "partners," or "collaborators," as they are called by the conservation groups, have
Since 1990, there has been a sharp decline in the been added to the traditional sources--and those new
amount of money available for conservation programs offerings have been lavish.
overall. According to a recent assessment of the finances
This attraction of strong financial support in a weak
of the conservation sector, "between the mid-nineties economic environment has been accomplished in sev-
eral ways. First, starting in the mid- to late 1990s, WWF,
* "Analysis of the finances of just three large conservation organiza-
CI, and TNC all reformulated their mission statements
tions--the U.S. branch of the World Wildlife Fund, Conservation International, and The Nature Conservancy--reveals that their combined revenues and expenditures (i.e., their investment in conservation) in the year 2002 were $1.28 billion and $804 million, respectively. This snapshot of NGO finances in the year 2002 is not an aberration but rather
to focus on what they term "large-scale conservation" approaches. The terms used differ--"hotspots" for CI, "ecoregions" and "Global 200" for WWF, "ecosystems" for TNC,§ and "living landscapes" for Wildlife
part of a continuing trend, evident since the mid-1990s, of increasing revenue, expenses and asset accumulation. The combined revenues of these three NGOs increased from $635 million in 1998 to $899 million in 1999 to $965 million in 2000" (endnote 12). "Hotspots" are "areas featuring exceptional concentrations of endemic species and experiencing exceptional loss of habitat" (endnote 14).
Conservation Society (WCS)--but they are similar in that they are high off the ground and, as all of the NGOs note, they are "ambitious" and even "visionary."** These are global approaches that are viewed as necessary to take on the huge global threats to ecosys-
An ecoregion is a "large unit of land or water containing a geographically distinct assemblage of species, natural communities, and environ-
tems and species now being faced. As Myers and his colleagues wrote, "The traditional scattergun approach of
mental conditions;" the Global 200 "is based on an analysis of all terrestrial regions and ocean basins of the earth, so the extent of the approach of the terrestrial region is equal to approximately 150 million km2." § TNC has largely taken the ecoregion approach pioneered by WWF. ** Example: "Ecoregions are the appropriate geographical unit for setting conservation goals; they represent an ambitious and visionary scale necessary for biodiversity conservation" (see endnote 16). {
much conservation activity, seeking to be many things to any threatened species, needs to be complemented by a `silver bullet' strategy in the form of hotspots with their emphasis on cost-effective measures."14 The gist of the argument for this large-scale approach--one that is unquestionably appealing to those of us who try to see the world in more wholistic
22
WORLD·WATCH November/December 2004
"Relax, we're from Conservation, Inc."
ways than have prevailed in the past--is that it's not scapes" are little more that slick marketing tools--slo-
just isolated ecosystems dotted about the landscape gans and catch phrases, if we may borrow from Bran-
that are in danger; the entire world system of inter- don, Redford, and Sanderson--and that the "science"
connected ecosystems is imperiled. In presentations to part, given that it exists, is largely for decoration. Per-
funding agencies, this pitch can be put on vivid and con- haps it is more accurate to say that these approaches
vincing display with GIS and satellite imagery--tech- are a mixture of the two; but the marketing angle is
nology that was unavailable only a few years ago. And, undeniably strong. A recent WWF document, for exam-
as the argument goes, large-scale strategies can accom- ple, instructs: "Ecoregion conservation programmes
plish more for less money. Of course, large amounts of should develop a bold, engaging, and ambitious vision
cash are needed to run them on the scale being pro- for an ecoregion in order to set directions and arouse
posed. In reference to CI's hotspot strategy, Myers support. This vision should contain an inspirational
and his colleagues suggest that $500 million per year message to motivate and engage stakeholders and part-
would be an appropriate amount for preserving 25 ners."16 Whatever we may think of the science, there
prime hotspots.15 The Big Three make it clear that is no doubt that the new focus on global conservation
among the thousands of organizations working to con- is profitable.
serve the world's biodiversity, only they have the capac-
One of the largest and most talked-about grants in
ity to manage such large-scale schemes.
recent years has been the $261.2 million donation
It's here that we come to two divergent interpre- from the Gordon & Betty Moore Foundation to CI for
tations of how the conservationist NGOs developed their
large-scale approaches to conservation. Advocates within the NGOs maintain that these approaches are the end
* CI: "The hotspots' boundaries have been determined by `biological commonalities'" (endnote 14). WWF: "Ecoregions are defined in
result of scientific processes based on biological--as biological terms and, as such, are logical units for conserving biodiver-
opposed to social or political--criteria.* Critics both outside and within the NGOs note that concepts such
sity" (endnote 16). Social aspects do not figure in the calculus of WWF's ecoregions, except at the level of "threats," and they are introduced after the priority setting, based on biological criteria, has been
as "ecoregions," "hotspots," and "conservation land- completed. {
November/December 2004 WORLD·WATCH
23
conservation activities, with a focus on science, in
Despite initial misgivings, this strategy has paid off
"hotspots and tropical wilderness areas" around the with the formation of a variety of JOINT VENTUREs, co-oper-
world. Bringing together CI's Center for Biodiversity ative agreements, and partnerships.* Examples include
Conservation ($121.2 million), Scientific Field Sta- the World Bank-WWF Global Forest Alliance, which was
tions ($40 million), and the Global Conservation fund created in 1998 and currently works in 30 countries, and
($100 million), the project is defined in terms of large the Critical Ecosystems Partnership Fund (CEPF), a
"conservation corridors," which the Moore Founda- $150 million initiative formed by CI, the World Bank,
tion defines as "networks of protected areas (national the Global Environmental Facility, the MacArthur Foun-
parks, reserves, etc.) and other areas under biodiversity dation, and the government of Japan.
friendly land uses that are big enough to sustain eco-
From 1990 through 2001, USAID provided a
logical and evolutionary processes." The Moore per- total of roughly $270 million to NGOs, universities,
spective continues, "Addressing biodiversity and private institutions for conservation activities.18 The
conservation at this larger geographic scale--estab- lion's share of this amount destined for NGOs was har-
lishing connectivity between individual parks and pro- vested by WWF, which received approximately 45 per-
tected areas--increases conservation impact and cent of the available money. A small yet significant
enhances the prospects for individual species to be con- portion of the total budget for conservation goes to
served over the long term."17
just five other NGOs--CI, TNC, WCS, the African
If the first means of increasing the flow of cash was Wildlife Foundation (AWF), and Enterprise Works--
to wow foundations with large-scale goals, a second tac- through the Agency's Global Conservation Program.
tic was to go after the bilateral and multilateral agen- The theory behind this arrangement is that these
cies. The Big Three eased slowly into these groups will re-grant a portion of the money they receive
arrangements, often amid internal discussion and debate. to local NGOs for their work. This may ease the paper-
WWF's relationship with USAID, which began in the work load for USAID; but it also gives the six NGOs
early 1980s, is illustrative. In the late 1970s, as USAID considerable power over the agendas of local groups
was becoming increasingly interested in the environ- to which it re-grants.
ment, the conservationist NGOs realized that this could
For example, there was USAID's support of
be a lucrative new source of support for their work. At PROARCA, a joint five-year project in Central Amer-
first, WWF took relatively small amounts, never more ica started in the mid-1990s. It had a budget of $5
than 50 percent of any project budget, and supple- to $6 million per year, with roughly $1 million per year
mented the new money with privately raised funds. It going to TNC, WWF, and the Rainforest Alliance. The
did not want to be caught up in USAID's political project's aim was "to improve environmental man-
agendas or in the instability that comes with them. Yet agement in the Mesoamerican Biological Corridor
gradually, according to a senior WWF official who was (CBM)"--which, in turn, was a project being run by
in the middle of these transactions at that time, the 50 the World Bank, with GEF money. The first phase
percent rule began to erode. As budgets from other, entailed planning for the second "implementation"
privately funded, projects dried up, WWF started shift- phase, which was approved in 2002 with a slightly
ing funds from the USAID-supported projects to keep higher yearly budget. While the bulk of the NGO
those projects alive. Larger amounts of USAID money component deals with large-scale activities at the pol-
flowed in to fill the hole left by the shifted funds, and icy level, it also contains a small grants fund that the-
before long there was a string of projects in which 80 oretically benefits local NGOs involved in biodiversity
to 90 percent of the budget was funded by USAID. Conservation.
"Then somewhere along the line we stopped asking
A third strategy, which at first seemed fairly inno-
questions," the official said. "We just eased into it. It's cent, was to reach out more to the corporate sector.
not clear where or when, but at some point we crossed TNC and WWF have long been involved with private
the line and having entire projects and programs funded corporations, but by the mid-1990s the pace began
with government money was OK." Not to be out- increasing. At present, TNC has some 1,900 corporate
done, the other large NGOs eagerly followed suit.
sponsors, which in 2002 donated a total of $225 mil-
lion to the organization.19 CI's website lists over 250
* In the early 1990s, WWF-U.S. began to tap into World Bank money
corporations, which donated approximately $9 million
and there were loud cries of protest from the international branch in Switzerland. This and other differences eventually culminated in a series of costly lawsuits and an eventual split between the International and U.S. offices. The panda symbol was re-claimed by the International branch and later licensed back to the U.S. branch.
to its operations in 2003. WWF's share is smaller, but it actively courts such support. In WWF's scheme, the highest category of corporate sponsor is "conservation partner," which consists of "multinational companies
Approximately 22 percent of WWF's global income comes from governments and assistance agencies (endnote 16). {
that contribute major funding to WWF's global conservation work." "Independent research shows," we
24
WORLD·WATCH November/December 2004
are told, "that consumers have a high regard for a in size and strength. It is generally recognized, for
company that invests in its social and environmental example, that CI has staked off Suriname and Guyana
responsibilities." WWF selects "the very best in cor- as its "territory"; TNC controls the BOSAWAS region
porate social responsibility and environmental best of Nicaragua, and WCS guards the gate to the Bolivian
practice," but it also sees the need to "engage with com- Chaco. Territoriality even manifests itself within organ-
panies that have a poor or mixed record on the envi- izations. Initially, WWF U.S. had control over Tanza-
ronment where there is a real potential for positive nia but later moved aside and transferred responsibility
change."20 Among the corporations channeling money to WWF International. During the mid-1980s, WWF
to the three conservation NGOs are Chevron Texaco, divided the world into two parts, giving Latin Amer-
ExxonMobil, Shell International, Weyerhauser, Mon- ica to the U.S. branch and the rest of the world to the
santo, Dow Chemical, and Duke Energy.
international office (this division was short-lived). There
THE CONSEQUENCES
are also occurrences of the most powerful NGOs trying to pressure foundations to deny entrance to rivals
All told, the new mixture of fundraising strategies, cou- in claimed territory.
pled with the intensity of the hunt for money, has made
In the Petйn region of Guatemala during the 1990s,
the largest conservation NGOs both rich and power- all of the large NGOs had programs, yet they worked
ful. In the 1980s, many of us thought that this was an separately and there was intense competition for funds,
important goal. Conservation requires money, and it which were considerable. Between 1990 and 2001, an
seemed clear to environmentalists that the leading envi- estimated $56.6 million flowed in for conservation and
ronmental organizations needed far better funding to sustainable development from USAID ($31.2 million),
carry out the huge mission of saving the planet from the Guatemalan government ($15.3 million, largely
ecological calamity. There may still be truth in this from international agencies), and international NGOs
belief--the conservation groups have developed ($10.1 million).
admirably ambitious plans--but their growth has also
It should be acknowledged that territoriality of this
brought unforeseen complexities and contradictions. sort does serve the function of diminishing conflict. Were
One problem is that the larger the three NGOs have a number of competing NGOs to be given access to a
grown, the more dependent on large amounts of cash single area, bidding wars for the favors of local groups
they have become. This has created a climate of and the bounty of donors could rapidly get out of
intense--and not always beneficial--competition hand, creating chaos. This occasionally happens, and
among them. The result has been a strong reluctance the outcome is invariably disastrous for all unlucky
to partner with each other, or with anyone else. In deal- enough to be involved.
ings with smaller organizations, either they tend to use
On the other hand, cooperation is rare even when
their sheer heft to press their agendas unilaterally or the groups share common goals. According to McShane,
they exclude the smaller groups altogether. A common "Biodiversity conservation's devil is the competition for
tactic is to create new organizations out of whole cloth donor funding. We all know that successful biodiver-
in foreign countries, implanting local bodies as exten- sity conservation requires money. Unfortunately, in
sions of themselves. In dealings with each other, the the pursuit of funds, conservation organizations find
large conservationist NGOs enter into contractual themselves making claims based on little more than the-
arrangements when they must--USAID's Central ory. This marketing of conservation approaches has
America program, for example, has a custom of set- resulted in a dogmatic debate, outwardly over how
ting up consortia of several organizations--yet in most best to conserve the world's biodiversity, which is a nec-
cases they assiduously keep their distance and show great essary question, but behind the scenes over how to get
reluctance to share information. Thus, the USAID- the funds before someone else does, which is not."21
funded PROARCA program in Central America is a
Another consequence of the recent bulking up of
kind of shotgun marriage in which TNC and WWF conservationist NGOs stems from the sources of their
(with the Rainforest Alliance affixed as a small funding, and the conditions attached to it. The move-
appendage) were pressed into a collaborative rela- ment from dependence on private money to an income
tionship. From the start, WWF and TNC kept their dis- stream from bilateral and multilateral donors and cor-
tance from each other, maintaining two almost entirely porations has meant that new interests--and restric-
separate programs, with minimal overlap. WWF con- tions--come into play. USAID, the World Bank, and
centrated on the coastal area, while TNC handled the the Global Environment Facility, for example, are diplo-
protected areas of the interior.
matic agencies that work closely with national govern-
Such insular behavior, often manifested in a roping- ments. The conservationist NGOs are no longer able
off of real estate, has been common for years, yet it has to openly oppose government corruption or inaction,
been exacerbated as the conservation NGOs have grown which is often the primary cause of environmental {
November/December 2004 WORLD·WATCH
25
degradation in countries of the Third World; govern-
The Conservancy's mission makes it reluctant to take
ment backing of extractive industries in fragile forest
positions on some leading environmental issues,
areas is one of the most common outcomes.22
including global warming and drilling in Alaska's
Yet another consequence of increased funding from
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Corporations
bilateral and multilateral donors is that the NGOs have
represented on the Conservancy's board and advi-
become "gatekeepers" of external resources. The strat-
sory council have lobbied nationally on the corpo-
egy of passing money through NGOs gives the donors
rate side of the issues. A Conservancy official said
considerable influence over the programs of the large
the group avoids criticizing the environmental
NGOs, and this in turn gives the large NGOs influence
records of its corporate board members.23
over local NGOs, who must rely on re-granting through
Reluctance to oppose harmful practices in foreign
the large international NGOs. This results in two lay- countries is even greater where the NGOs are largely
ers of controls: first those from the bilateral and mul- out of sight of First World eyes and under the protec-
tilateral donors, and second those from the international tion of governments that are unconcerned with pro-
NGOs that do the re-granting. When funds finally tection of the environment. And here we have a
trickle down to the local NGOs, they are often so tan- contradiction. Since the mid- and late 1980s, indige-
gled in strings that the locals have little room to carry nous peoples have received a good deal of support for
out their own programs. In any case, these funds tend a variety of causes, primarily from private foundations
to be minimal; most stay with the large NGOs, never and a variety of European agencies. The Inter-Ameri-
making it past the gate.*
can Foundation, a U.S. government agency, gave hun-
The situation is far worse for indigenous peoples, dreds of grants to indigenous organizations during this
who are frequently in an adversarial relationship with period and gave a significant boost to the indigenous
their national governments over their lands and natu- movement in Latin America. Conservation organiza-
ral resources. National governments--and the U.S. gov- tions and foundations with conservationist agendas
ernment--have supported oil companies, miners, supported indigenous peoples all through the 1990s for
loggers, and pharmaceutical companies on indigenous work on conservation and sustainable economic devel-
lands, and in many of those countries (Bolivia, Peru, opment. One result was that indigenous organizations
Ecuador, Guyana, Indonesia, and Papua New Guinea, became more empowered. But when they began using
among others) private concessions sanctioned by gov- their newfound strength to defend their lands and
ernments have provoked considerable violence. Each resources, they ran head-on into private companies, gov-
of the large conservation NGOs has close financial ernments, bilateral and multilateral agencies, and con-
and political ties to the governments, bilateral and servationists all standing shoulder to shoulder. Not
multilateral agencies, and multinational corporations only did the conservationist NGOs turn away from
operating throughout the Third World, and is reluc- indigenous peoples; so did many of the private foun-
tant to oppose them. This has given rise to the ironic dations, to avoid getting caught in the crossfire.
observation that the large international NGOs are ally-
As the major conservationist NGOs have distanced
ing themselves with forces that are destroying the themselves from indigenous and traditional peoples in
world's remaining ecosystems, while ignoring or even recent years, the causes of this separation can be tracked
opposing those forces that are attempting to save them to two particularly sticky problems. First, there is the
from destruction. Isn't it a bit odd that in 2003 Oxfam problem of indigenous resistance, which sometimes
America supported an indigenous group in the Ama- takes a violent turn, to the activities of many of the
zon Basin in its battle against the depredations of NGOs' funding partners. For the NGOs, siding with
Chevron Texaco, while the large conservationist NGOs indigenous peoples in their struggles or uprisings against
were providing this same company with a green fig leaf those partners might seem financially unwise.
in exchange for financial aid? In last year's highly pub-
Second, there is the presumption that biological sci-
licized series of articles about The Nature Conser- ence should be the sole guiding principle for biodiver-
vancy, for example, Washington Post reporters Joe sity conservation in protected natural areas. This notion
Stephens and David Ottaway note:
has produced a running debate between those who do
not see human inhabitants as a part of the ecological
* Perhaps the most blatant example of this is with CI's Critical Ecosystems Partnership Fund (CEPF), which was set up to reach local NGOs. According to program guidelines, "only" 50 percent of CEPF's money
equation,24 and those who argue for partnerships and the inclusion of indigenous and traditional peoples in protected area plans, both on human rights grounds and
is supposed to be granted directly to CI. Yet during the first two years of for pragmatic ecological reasons.25
its Latin American program, CEPF granted $6,915,865 out of a total of $$8,919,221--78 percent--to CI. Other groups, several of them CI clones, received a total of $2,003,356, or 22 percent of the available
The Big Three NGOs are currently dominated, at least in their upper circles, by the second view. Accord-
money. (CEPF Annual Reports) {
ing to their critics, they have increasingly come to "view
26
WORLD·WATCH November/December 2004
"This one's habitat was completely taken over by conservationists."
rural people as the enemies of nature, rather than as polit- they occupy end up being, in a very real sense, a peo-
ical actors who can form an environmental con- ple with no value.
stituency.... By identifying indigenous and traditional
In the last year or so, the large conservation NGOs
peoples as obstacles to effective conservation, or by con- have come to claim that what they do is conservation,
cluding that indigenous and other inhabited reserves not "poverty alleviation," which they seem to equate
are incompatible with `real' conservation, the people- with any sort of work with indigenous or traditional peo-
free park school impugns the critical conservation value ples. Ever since their work with grassroots conservation
of inhabited forest areas and ignores the role of forest and integrated conservation and development projects
peoples as constituencies for forest conservation."26 fell on the rocks, they have avoided involvements along
A suspicion often voiced by the conservationists is these lines, including talk of co-management of pro-
that once indigenous peoples are given tenure to their tected areas and sustainable development or alternative
lands, there is no assurance that they will work to con- livelihoods with indigenous peoples. In part, the NGOs
serve their biodiversity. "What if, after we have helped have felt pressured by the bi- and multilateral donors
them out, they suddenly decide to log their forests?" to include poverty alleviation in their conservation pro-
is a standard question.
grams, and some have tried to accommodate the donors
Just as the once widely recognized possibilities for with re-tooled language in their mission statements; yet
native stewardship have been largely dismissed, the the tendency among the large NGOs has been to set
terms "indigenous" and "traditional" have largely up a false dichotomy between poverty alleviation and
dropped out of the discourse of the large conservationist conservation and say that they are not in the business
NGOs -- replaced mainly by "marginalized" or of "social welfare."28
"poor."27 (The more neutral terms "rural" and "local"
To be sure, the views of the large NGOs are not
have also spread more widely in the literature and are monolithic. While some of those at the top may dis-
commonly used by both sides.) This linguistic shift miss work at the community level as scattershot and
robs the dignity of indigenous peoples. Who is inter- inconsequential, or even contrary to the goal of large-
ested in saving the culture of marginalized people? scale biodiversity conservation, the picture at the field
What is the value of the traditional ecological knowl- level is often quite different. WWF, for example, has a
edge of the poor? People who are viewed as having no vigorous community forestry program that works on
distinctive culture, assets, or historic claims to the land forest management, certification, and marketing in {
November/December 2004 WORLD·WATCH
27
Mexico, the Guatemalan Petйn, the Honduran Mosquitia, the Atlantic Coast region of Nicaragua, and Madre de Dios in Peru. TNC field offices work with communities in Mexico, Guatemala, and indigenous regions of Brazil. CI is less engaged at this level, although it does have a small project with organic coffee farmers in Chiapas, Mexico. WCS's South American program is perhaps the best of the lot, with a strong focus on community-level conservation, co-management of protected areas with indigenous peoples, and sustainable community development. Its work with the Izoceсo Guaranн in the Gran Chaco region of Bolivia is an exemplary example of mutual respect and smooth co-management of a protected area. Unlike the brain trusts in the main offices, representatives in the field are not dealing with abstractions. Some have realized that they can accomplish little of value if they don't work in partnership with local people. Some have commented that they see their community work as their focus of attention and pay little heed to the global pronouncements coming from on high. Unfortunately, these field efforts are given little support in the Home Office, and as the drift from highlevel support for indigenous peoples continues, future financial backing may prove hard to find. More particularly, we are seeing an evident split between the U.S. branch of WWF and the international branch in Switzerland. While talk of partnerships with indigenous and traditional peoples has dropped out of WWF U.S.'s policy statements regarding ecoregional conservation, it has not dropped out in the European office.29 An assessment of the field programs of the U.S. and International branches of WWF might yield an interesting comparison. What can be said about the "increasing number of serious complaints" from the field reported in the Ford Foundation's internal investigation? Complaints against the activities of the Big Three conservation NGOs have now been heard from Mexico, Guatemala, Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela, Guyana, Suriname, Papua New Guinea, and the Congo Basin, among others. In one case, CI has been accused of bullying and riding roughshod over local NGOs and indigenous organizations in the Vilcabamba region of Peru. In another, its work in the Laguna del Tigre area of the Guatemalan Petйn ended in a bitter fight over resources with the local NGO it had created--and with angry villagers setting the CI research station on fire. Yet, relatively little is yet known about whether such abuses are pervasive or aberrations. No thorough, independent evaluation of these
* Several people explained that this was simply meant to be an "internal" meeting between donors and NGOs, a first cut to chart future directions. Beyond this, several people noted that they had no idea of which "representative" indigenous people who could. {
28
WORLD·WATCH November/December 2004
situations has as yet been carried out, and it is often difficult to distinguish fact from fiction. But in any case, perhaps the most central investigation should focus not so much on particular failures in the field as on the large NGOs' recent inclination to withdraw from working with indigenous and traditional peoples at all. WHERE IS ALL THIS HEADED? Shortly after the Ford Foundation's "Study on Critical New Conservation Issues in the Global South" got under way, two board members--Yolanda Kakabadse, president of the IUCN, and Kathryn Fuller, president of WWF--reviewed the study's work plan. They concluded that the studies of the two consultants, which no one at Ford had yet seen, should not become public--and, in fact, should not even be officially turned in to the Ford Foundation. They recommended that the studies be embargoed, and this indeed happened, at least for a time. Ford officials received a verbal briefing, and finally saw the full studies, but the studies were never made public. News of this chain of events rapidly leaked out and was widely disseminated among foundations and NGOs--causing a furor about which the larger public heard very little. On April 20, 2004, WWF convened a meeting of representatives from the big international NGOs-- WWF, TNC, CI, IUCN, and WCS--for a full-day session with the foundation representatives who had brought the issue to the fore in South Dakota, 10 months earlier. The Big Three presidents--Kathryn Fuller of WWF, Peter Seligman of CI, and Steven McCormick of TNC--all came, together with some of their technical people. No indigenous representatives were present.* Beyond a bland summary document, nothing has been shared publicly from this gathering, but it is possible to piece together impressions from several accounts. Initially, the NGO people were somewhat defensive, but were unapologetic. The foundation representatives spent the morning voicing their concerns, and the NGOs responded that their primary mission was conservation, not "poverty alleviation"--which in many minds is equated with working with local communities. They denied insensitivity to traditional or indigenous peoples and cited their programs in "capacity building." But for the most part, the NGOs gave little ground. One foundation representative brought up the fact that multinational companies were extracting natural resources and destroying ecosystems in fragile forest areas, and that indigenous peoples were fighting these companies while the conservationists who were working there stood by in silence. This representative noted that the NGOs usually sided with the companies, especially when the companies were corporate sponsors to the NGOs. The NGOs responded that they didn't
want to intervene--that they wanted to remain apo- large conservation NGOs have been the subjects of
litical. In any case, they said, these were matters for scrutiny on other fronts, quite aside from their aban-
national governments to handle.
donment of indigenous partnerships. In 2002, TNC
In the afternoon session of the meeting, the NGOs was attacked and seriously wounded in a series of arti-
again defended their work and one of the officials even cles in the Washington Post that exposed questionable
turned a bit testy, as if to say "Who do you think you practices in the organization's management. The group
are, to question us? Perhaps you should examine your- is currently being probed by Congress and audited by
selves." As one participant put it, some NGO repre- the IRS. This has caused TNC's colleagues to hunker
sentatives "pushed back," accusing the foundation down and avoid controversy (and the media). At this
people of having their ears bent by "activist NGOs" and point, nobody wants any new embarrassments dredged
not getting their facts straight. On the whole, they up for public inspection. How, then, can the issue be
were aggressive within the bounds of politeness--they raised and honestly addressed without turning the
didn't want to bite down too hard on one of the hands process into a spectacle?
that feeds them, suggested one participant, although the foundation hand has shrunk in size as new and larger CONCLUSION
hands have appeared.
The challenges of biodiversity conservation are among
In the end, it was decided that some studies of the the world's most difficult, especially in the southern
situation in the field had to be done. The details of latitudes. Alien languages and cultures, impenetrable
which sites would be chosen, who would do them, how political systems, and high-stakes greed and corrup-
they would be carried out, and under whose supervi- tion converge with the rising pressures of population
sion, were to be worked out later. Another meeting growth and development to create situations that
would follow, perhaps with a larger group including often seem insurmountable. Project work in the field
some indigenous and traditional representatives. A is arduous--marked by progress one day and setbacks
couple of participants on the foundation side came out the next. Misunderstandings and conflicts of interest--
of the meeting saying that the NGOs "simply don't and long periods of stagnation--seem to be the rule.
get it. They don't understand." Several said that the Often, it is difficult to know whether one is making
NGOs see the whole matter as an image problem, not real progress or not.
anything involving substance.
Take the case of Chiapas, Mexico. Here, CI has a
In June 2004, a year after the issue was first raised strong presence and has been accused in the local press
in an after-dinner gathering, the Consultative Group of trying to enlist the Mexican military to expel peasant
on Biodiversity convened again--this time in Min- families from the Lacandon Forest, of bioprospecting for
nesota, on the shore of Lake Superior. More discussions international corporations, and of flying planes over the
ensued, among the same representatives who had raised Mayan Forest region with USAID support and giving
the issue in 2003 and several new interested people, but the information thus obtained to the U.S. and Mexican
the conference agenda involved other topics and dis- governments. Pieces of this picture--such as the fact that
cussion of the conservation NGO problem was frag- CI has corporate ties--are well substantiated. Others--
mented and inconclusive. As one participant put it, such as CI buying up land for bioprospecting--appear
they went around and around and around, without to be greatly exaggerated. Still others--such as the over-
resolving anything.
flights, which are indeed taking place--would be accept-
Overriding the conversation has been a sense that able in most areas of the world other than Chiapas,
this is a delicate issue in very uncertain and difficult times. where an active guerrilla movement is ensconced and the
Some of the actions taken by indigenous groups to resist Mexican military has a strong presence. David Bray, one
the depredations of extractive industries, for example, of the people originally enlisted by the Ford Foundation
have been likened to the actions of terrorists. The del- to investigate the alleged abuses, notes that this region
icacy of the issue has resulted in a reluctance to move "is probably the most politicized and difficult working
forward with anything. Moreover, the foundations environment for conservation and development in Mex-
themselves have recently had their operations put under ico."31 Precisely what is going on in Chiapas is difficult
a spotlight. Some foundations are being criticized for to sort out, and CI's role in the drama, whether posi-
lavish spending on their upper management staff and tive, negative, or otherwise, is far from clear.
trustees, for support of partisan political agendas (and
None of this is easy, but one thing that seems clear
even allegedly terrorist organizations), and for crony- to many of us who have worked in the field is that if
ism and conflicts of interest.30 The Ford Foundation, we are to make any headway, cooperation among
specifically, is being investigated by a congressional groups and sectors is crucial. There are still some
committee for some of its funding with groups in the among us who strongly believe that conservation can-
Near East, and is maintaining a low profile. And the not be effective unless the residents of the area to be {
November/December 2004 WORLD·WATCH
29
conserved are thoroughly involved. This is not solely being questioned. No similar grant to indigenous organ-
a matter of social justice, which must in any case be a izations, or organizations that work closely with indige-
strong component of all conservation work. It is also nous peoples, was in the works. It was argued, quite
a matter of pragmatism. Indigenous peoples live in most rightly, that no indigenous group had come forward with
of the ecosystems that conservationists are so anxious a proposal; but then, no indigenous people had been
to preserve. Often they are responsible for the relatively invited to any of the discussions.
intact state of those ecosystems, and they are without
There were also concerns about the fact that both
doubt preferable to the most common alternatives-- of the contracted NGOs are run by Ford Foundation
logging, oil drilling, cattle ranching, and large-scale board members--Yolanda Kakabadse, IUCN's presi-
industrial agriculture--that are destroying ever larger dent, and Kathryn Fuller, WWF's president (Fuller is
tracts of forest throughout the tropical latitudes. Form- the board chairperson). It was common knowledge
ing partnerships and collaborative alliances between (confirmed for me by people who were closely involved)
indigenous and traditional peoples and conservation- that these were the two people who had kept the ini-
ists is no easy task, but it would seem to be one of the tial Ford studies from public view. The IUCN proposal
most effective ways to save the increasingly threadbare notes that Kakabadse will be "personally presiding over
ecosystems that still exist.
the dialogue sessions." The WWF project is limited to
Yet, cooperation by the large conservationist studies of WWF's programs and will be carried out by
NGOs, both among themselves and with other, smaller WWF personnel, for use by WWF.
groups, including indigenous and traditional peoples,
I fully agree that more study of conservation pro-
has lost ground over the past decade, only to be grams in the field is needed. It has been the case for some
replaced by often intense competition, largely over time that the large conservationists are not accountable
money. NGOs entrusted with the enormous respon- to anyone, and that far too little is known about what
sibility of defending the planet's natural ecosystems is really happening in the field. In particular, we don't
against the encroachment of the modern world in its know whether the large-scale, science-based programs
most destructive manifestations have increasingly part- that appeal so much to funders are really achieving con-
nered with--and become dependent on--many of servation goals. We also have little sense of what works
the corporations and governments that are most and what doesn't work in what circumstances. And we
aggressively making this encroachment.
don't know what to make of the charges and counter-
Within weeks after the Minnesota meeting at which charges--the claims of success and rumors of abuse--
the foundation people went "around and around," the that emanate from the backlands on a regular basis.
Ford Foundation received two proposals that would One reason for the lack of clear information is the role
ostensibly move the debate forward. One came from of the Big Three's marketing and fundraising arms in
the IUCN, the other from WWF. The IUCN project "packaging" field reports and data, a tactic that encour-
would facilitate a series of meetings culminating in an ages the exaggeration of successes and downplaying or
"open dialogue session" at the World Conservation nonrecognition of questionable results. The suggestion
Congress to be held this November in Bangkok. The that the IUCN and WWF--or any of the other large
WWF project would evaluate existing WWF commu- conservation NGOs, for that matter--should now lead
nity-based natural resource projects via interviews over a search for reliable new information strikes some as a
a three-month period, then produce new manuals and fox-guarding-the-henhouse solution.
training programs. Ford had been negotiating with
What's needed now is a series of independent,
WWF on its proposal for some months, and the final non-partisan, thorough, and fairly objective evaluations
version was presented in August 2004. The IUCN that answer key questions the NGOs can't credibly
proposal, likewise, was submitted in August. Both were answer. These evaluations should be undertaken by
approved that same month.
nonhierarchical teams representing the various sec-
For those who have been concerned about the drift tors--indigenous peoples, local communities, national
of the conservation NGOs, this rapid response was NGOs, government agencies, and donors, including
simultaneously encouraging and dismaying. On one bilateral and multilateral donors (whose influence is
hand, Ford was showing positive interest in continu- enormous) and private corporations (which have been
ing its examination of the relations between indigenous largely silent)--and should be prosecuted in the spirit
and traditional peoples and the large NGOs, and in rec- of seeking information and insights, not justifying
onciling conservation with human communities. But existing programs. Together, these stakeholders need
the haste of the Ford response was disconcerting, as was to pursue the kind of open, public discussion that can
the direction it took. Both of the grants went to large lead towards the creation of conservation programs that
conservation NGOs, which meant they'd be adminis- are responsive to the needs of both biological and
tered by some of the very people whose practices were human diversity worldwide. {
30
WORLD·WATCH November/December 2004
ENDNOTES 1. Coordinadora de Organizaciones Indнgenas de la Cuenca Amazуnica (COICA), 1989, "Two Agendas for Amazonian Development," Cultural Survival Quarterly, Vol. 13, No. 4, pp. 75­78.
19. Stephens, Joe and David Ottaway, 2003, "Nonprofit Land Bank Amasses Billions," Washington Post, May 4. 20. World Wildlife Fund, 2004, "WWF and Aid Agencies," Washington, D.C. 21. McShane, op. cit. note 7.
2. Ibid.
22. Chiccon, op. cit. note 17.
3. Coordinadora de Organizaciones Indнgenas de la Cuenca
23. Stephens and Ottaway, op. cit. note 19.
Amazуnica (COICA), 1990, "Primer Encuentro Cumbre Amazуnico entre Pueblos Indнgenas y Ambientalistas: Declaraciуn de Iquitos."
24. Stevens, Stan (ed.), 1997, Conservation Through Cultural Survival: Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas, Island Press, Washington, D.C.; Nietschmann, Bernard, 1997, "Protecting
4. International Union for the Conservation of Nature and World Wildlife Fund, 1996. "Principles and Guidelines on Indigenous and Traditional Peoples and Protected Area: Joint
Indigenous Coral Reefs and Sea Territories, Miskito Coast, RAAN, Nicaragua," in Stan Stevens (ed.), Conservation Through Cultural Survival: Indigenous Peoples and Protected
Policy Statement."
Areas, Island Press, Washington, D.C., pp. 193­224; Gray,
5. Ibid. 6. See: McNeely, Jeff, 1989, "Protected Areas and Human Ecology: How National Parks Can Contribute to Sustaining Societies to the Twenty-first Century," in Conservation for the Twenty-first Century, eds. David Western and M. Pearl. Oxford University Press, Oxford; Western, David and Michael Wright (eds.), 1994, Natural Connections: Perspectives in Community-Based Conservation, Island Press, Washington, D.C.; Western, David and M. Pearl (eds.), 1989, Conservation for the Twenty-first Century, Oxford University Press, Oxford; Wells, Michael and Katrina Brandon, 1992, People and Parks: Linking Protected Area Management with Local Communities, The World Bank, Washington, D.C.; and Barzetti, V. (ed.), 1993, Parks and Progress: Protected Areas and Economic Development in Latin America and the Caribbean, International Union for the Conservation of Nature, Washington, D.C. 7. McShane, Thomas O., 2003, "The Devil in the Detail of Biodiversity Conservation," Conservation Biology, Vol. 17, No. 1, pp. 1­3. 8. Brandon, Katrina, Kent H. Redford, and Steven E. Sanderson (eds.), 1998, Parks in Peril: People, Politics, and Protected Areas, The Nature Conservancy and Island Press, Washington, D.C. 9. Redford, Kent H., 1991, "The Ecologically Noble Savage," Cultural Survival Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 46­48. 10. Redford, Kent H. and Steven E. Sanderson, 2000, "Extracting Humans from Nature," Conservation Biology, Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 1362­64; and Redford, Kent H. and Allyn M. Stearman, 1993, "Forest-Dwelling Native Amazonians and the Conservation of Biodiversity: Interests in Common or in Collision?" Conservation Biology, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 248­55.
Andrew, Alejandro Parellada, and H. Newing (eds.), 1998, From Principles to Practice: Indigenous Peoples and Biodiversity Conservation in Latin America, Document 87, Forest Peoples Programme, the Interethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Amazon, and the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Copenhagen; Schwartzman, Stephan, Adriana Moreira, and Daniel Nepstad, 2000, "Rethinking Tropical Forest Conservation: Perils in Parks," Conservation Biology. Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 1351­57; MacKay, Fergus and Emily Caruso, 2004, "Indigenous Lands or National Parks?" Cultural Survival Quarterly, Vol. 28, Issue 1, pp. 14­16; Colchester, Marcus, 2000, "Self-Determination or Environmental Determinism for Indigenous Peoples in Tropical Forest Conservation," Conservation Biology, Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 1365­67; Carino, Joji, 2004, "Indigenous Voices at the Table: Restoring Local Decision-Making on Protected Areas," Cultural Survival Quarterly, Vol. 28, Issue I, pp. 23­27; LaRose, Jean, 2004, "In Guyana, Indigenous Peoples Fight to Join conservation efforts," Cultural Survival Quarterly, Vol. 28, Issue 1, pp. 34­37; Newing, Helen and Lissie Wahl, 2004, "Benefiting Local Populations?" Cultural Survival Quarterly, Vol. 28, Issue 1, pp. 38­42; and Western and Pearl, op. cit. note 6. 25. Brandon, Katrina, Kent H. Redford, and Steven E. Sanderson, 1998, "Introduction," in Parks in Peril: People, Politics, and Protected Areas, The Nature Conservancy and Island Press, Washington, D.C., pp. 1­23; Redford, Kent H., and Steven E. Sanderson, 2000, "Extracting Humans From Nature," Conservation Biology, Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 1362­64; Terborgh, John, 2000, "The Fate of Tropical Forests: A Matter of Stewardship," Conservation Biology, Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 1358­61.
11. Chapeski, Andrew, 1995, "Land, Landscape, Culturescape: Aboriginal Relationships to Land and the Co­Management of Natural Resources, Ottawa: Report to the Royal Commission on Aboriginal peoples," p. 46. 12. Khare, Arvind and David Barton Bray, 2004, "Study of Critical New Forest Conservation Issues in the Global South: Final Report Submitted to the Ford Foundation, June 2004." 13. Ibid. 14. Myers, Norman, Russell A. Mittermeier, Cristina G. Mittermeier, Gustavo A.B. da Fonseca, and Jennifer Kent, "Biodi-
26. Schwartzman et al., op. cit. note 24. 27. World Wildlife Fund, 2000, "A Guide to Socioeconomic Assessments for Ecoregion Conservation," Ecoregional Conservation Strategies Unit, Washington, D.C.; World Wildlife Fund, 2004, "Communities and Large-Scale Conservation-- Challenges and Opportunities," Background Note for Discussion (Draft); Carr, Archi, 2004, "Utopian Bubbles: What Are Central America's Parks For?" Wild Earth, Spring/Summer, pp. 34­39; and op. cit. notes 16 and 20. 28. Carr, ibid.
versity Hotspots for Conservation Priorities," Nature, Vol. 403, 24 Feb 2000, pp. 853­58.
29. World Wildlife Fund, 2003, "Protected Areas," Gland, Switzerland.
15. Ibid.
30. Dowie, Mark, 2002, American Foundations: An Inves-
16. World Wildlife Fund, 2004, "How We Work: Using 200
tigative History, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Priority Ecoregions," Washington, D.C.
31. Bray, David Barton, 2004, Personal communication.
17. Chicchуn, Avecita, 2000, "Conservation Theory Meets Practice," Conservation Biology, Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 1368­69.
32. Oviedo, Gonzalo and Luisa Maffi, 2000, Indigenous and Traditional Peoples of the World and Ecoregional Conservation:
18. Councill, Simon, 2004, "Conservation Funding: Helping An Integrated Approach to Conserving the World's Biological
or Hurting Indigenous Peoples?" First Nations Development
and Cultural Diversity, WWF International and Terralingua,
Institute and The Rainforest Foundation UK.
Gland, Switzerland.
{
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