Locative media in the city: Drawing maps and telling stories, D Ozkul

Tags: London, sketch maps, Kevin Lynch, locative media, King's Cross, relationship, The MIT Press, social media, mobility, David Gauntlett, Paul Ricoeur, Harry Potter, social experiences, personal identities, telling stories, social networks, mobile communication, Sherlock Holmes, personal identity, mental maps, spatial knowledge, Hampstead Heath, spatial environment, Reflections, Oxford University Press, Whincup, Roger M. Downs, Row Publishers, New York, Tony Whincup, Cognitive maps, David Stea, Cognitive Mapping, mobile communication technologies, map of London
Content: Locative media in the city: Drawing maps and Telling stories Didem Ozkul and David Gauntlett Keywords: Cognitive map: A person's mental sense of a place, including both a broad and specific sense of its geographical features, as well as memories, emotions, and other associations. As a mental process, cognitive maps consist of collecting, organizing, storing, recalling and manipulating spatial information. Cognitive mapping: The process which creates a cognitive map ­ an abstraction covering those mental abilities that enable us to collect, organize, store, recall, and manipulate information about the spatial environment. Sketch map: Freehand drawn maps of a place. They are used for obtaining insights into how people mentally structure a location, and which elements are perceived as important. Our experiences, and therefore our memories of those experiences, are located in both time and place. Mobile technologies clearly have the potential to affect this process of memory and meaning-making, as they offer new ways to store and share information and reflections. These may take the form of communications addressed to family, friends and the outside world, and so contribute to the presentation of self-identity to others. At the same time, they are likely to play a more internal role, in the shaping of self-perception and memory, and therefore identity (or, at least, some aspects of identity). The study discussed in this chapter sought to explore the connections between lived experiences and locative technologies (i.e. mobile internet-connected devices, primarily smartphones, location-awareness and location-based services). The study, conducted in 1
2012, involved 38 participants, all of whom lived in London*. One approach might have been to show participants a geographical map of London, ask them to think of key memories or activities, and plot them on the map. However, building on the model of creative reSearch Methods outlined in David Gauntlett's Creative Explorations, 1 we wondered what it would be like if participants were asked to create their own maps of the city, from scratch, and share their stories accordingly. The research was conducted in small groups of 4-8 people, all of whom were users of a Mobile communication device. Each participant was asked to draw a map of London showing `frequently visited places', which they then presented to the group. Then they were asked to add more places that had particular importance for them (in whatever sense they liked) on their map. They were also told that the maps they drew did not need to be geographically accurate, but rather should show London as they experienced it in their everyday lives. We were therefore anticipating that they would create a selective representation, a version, of their `cognitive map' of London. As each workshop progressed, after the initial stages of drawing sketch maps, and as the participants started talking about their maps and memories of London, they would typically mention and discuss their use of locative media. Cognitive maps and sketch maps In previous literature, the term `cognitive map' has been used to refer to a kind of `mental picture' of a place, including both a broad and specific sense of its geographical features, as well as memories, emotions, and other associations. The pioneering researchers Roger Downs and David Stea2 distinguish between `cognitive mapping', which they describe as the mental process of thinking about a place or a route, and `cognitive map', which they say is `a person's organized representation of some part of the spatial environment'. In other words, they are relatively cautious about separating out concepts `in' the brain from things in the world. However, there is some slippage: for example, their examples of cognitive maps ­ the representations of mental models ­ include a drawn map, and a child's painting of their neighborhood, but also `the picture that * The project is part of Didem Ozkul's PhD research, based at the University of Westminster, with David Gauntlett as primary supervisor. 2
comes to mind every time you try to cross town on the subway system' 3, which really should be treated as part of cognitive mapping, the process, rather than as a cognitive map, a representation. More recent studies of neuroscience and consciousness have increasingly challenged the notion of having `a picture in your head' ­ all we really have, it is suggested, is a fluctuating set of stored knowledge and emotion which is dynamically compiled into the stuff that we have `in mind' at any given moment 4. Creating a `representation' of these elements is clearly, therefore, a separate act of creation, since the cognitive map does not exist as a `thing' which you could then hope to draw or reproduce. The collection of memories, feelings and associations about a place, which are somewhere, somehow, in a person's brain, are not something that could be straightforwardly transferred to paper. Accordingly, Rob Kitchin & Mark Blades5 have taken the term `cognitive map' to refer to the mental processes, with other representations described for what they are. This cognitive process, they argue, consists of the encoding and retrieval of spatial information. As a result of this process, we acquire knowledge of spatial and environmental relations, which can be defined as a cognitive map ­ a somewhat more sophisticated formulation, although it leaves out related emotions and memories. We will follow this terminology, and to ease confusion, will use the term `sketch map' 6 when we talk about the hand drawn maps of London. Spatial behavior is central to everyday life. Our spatial ability to navigate in a city is usually taken for granted, and goes unnoticed. Locative media can complement this, potentially enriching our understanding and use of location information in urban spaces. They serve not only as tools to find and locate things, and to navigate in any given city, but also as multiple platforms of gaming, entertainment, arts, and even of personal narratives and biographies. Users of mobile technologies can add layers of virtual information to places, which has increased the integration of maps into our everyday lives. Maps are not only used to navigate in contemporary urban life, but to spatialise information. The act of checking in 3
at a place on a service such as Foursquare, for example, creates personal traces on the network ­ and also, those traces start to define what kind of a place we do check-in at and why. This has created ­ for some users at least ­ individual storytelling platforms, as these technologies and applications allow users to map their everyday activities and write reviews, insert photos or memory notes onto those places visited. With the help of those maps, our `knowing is translated into telling'7 ­ as Hayden White has put it ­ where experiences of places as well as memories are narrated. Within this process of representation and creating a self-narrative of one's everyday life through location information, a relatively new use of maps has emerged. From being a tool commonly used for identifying routes, the map comes to be used as an interface, where users can create their own geo-tagged stories of their own lives. Experiencing an environment helps us to build spatial knowledge about that environment, and on our next visit to the same place, we may somehow retrieve that information and refer to it in order to remember how to navigate. On the other hand, the experience associated with a certain place is not only spatial. There are many other factors that construct a sense of a place, such as our memories associated with a place, our social circles, family and friends with whom we have been to a place, or where we can call a place a home. As Henri Lefebvre notes, space is a social product and `social practice presupposes the use of the body'8. Accordingly, being or becoming social should not be understood as being inserted into an already existing place; we, as human beings produce and reproduce various spaces and perceive what is produced or reproduced 9. These elements all feed into the formation of a cognitive map, which occurs through the process of traversing space, reflecting on it, and making connections. Sketch maps have been used as research tools in social science disciplines such as psychology and sociology, looking at `the overall course of a person's life'10, and geography, investigating how people establish a sense of place through their spatial interactions with their environments. However, as also noted by Downs & Stea, psychology and sociology are primarily interested in aspects of the environment other than spatial ones11. As a mental process, cognitive maps consist of collecting, organizing, storing, recalling and manipulating spatial information. 12 This spatial information also has a lot of connections with how we feel and experience a certain navigation experience or place 4
emotionally. So the drawing of sketch maps can be used to explore how a person's selfnarration of a place and representation of that place relate to each other, and in what ways locative technologies have the potential to affect this relationship. Here, we can also define sketch maps as a storytelling platform. Used in this way, the process of making sketch maps, as a method, offers a fresh extension of creative visual methods, in which people are invited to spend time applying their playful or creative attention to the act of making something, and then reflecting on it 13. The process of asking participants to draw maps of the city where they live, and reflect upon their own drawings, offer insights into the lived experience of mediated life in a city, which would otherwise be difficult to access. Personal Narratives in Cognitive Maps Defining space, place and spatial environment Space, place and mobility acquire different meanings as a result of our relationship both with each other and with the spatial environment itself. When we are asked to define or explain sense of place and mobility, we face difficulties in putting our spatial and social experiences into words, and in making clear what those words mean when we talk about certain associations and feelings about different places. Although we have our own experiences, narratives and depictions of different places, it has always been hard to articulate and verbalize them as they reflect and represent our inner spaces 14. Sketch maps and narrating memories Beginning with Kevin Lynch's pioneering work, The Image of the City in 1960, the 1960s and 70s witnessed a growing interest in developing research designs to better understand how people develop spatial knowledge and how it is used in everyday life. Lynch introduced the concepts of `legibility' and `imageability' of a city. By legibility he meant `the ease with which [a city's] parts can be recognized and can be organized into a coherent pattern' and he demonstrated how this concept could be used in urban planning in rebuilding cities15. Imageability, investigating the relationship among identity, structure and meaning of a `mental image', and as a quality of a physical object `which gives it a high probability of evoking a strong image', can also be understood as `legibility' 5
and `visibility' 16. `In other words, if a city was `imageable', it was also likely to be `legible''17. By asking residents of Boston, Jersey City and Los Angeles to draw sketch maps, Lynch found that the image of a city is composed of `paths', `edges', `districts', `nodes' and `landmarks'. Although his work focused on urban planning, his approach helped researchers in other disciplines struggling with the methodological problem of understanding not only how people navigate in a city, but also how they form associations, and attach meanings and establish connections based on the history of a city, or on their own experiences18. Lynch `provided insight into citizens' differential knowledge of the urban environment and supplied an accessible methodology by which it might be studied'19. Cognitive maps, and the freehand sketch maps which are meant to partially represent them, are unlikely to be geographically accurate. The shapes and sizes are usually distorted, and spatial relationships are altered20. In his study of environmental images, Lynch found that `none of the respondents had anything like a comprehensive view of the city in which they had lived for many years'21. Different people's cognitive maps, visible in the individual differences in sketch maps, can help us to see and understand how memories and meanings attached to certain places have a relationship with how we remember those places and how we establish a sense of those places. Therefore geographical accuracy is not a significant concern in cognitive mapping. Downs & Stea categorized the roles of cognitive mapping in our everyday lives according to their serving our utilitarian needs and our personal worlds22. Cognitive maps can help us to find where things are located, and how to get to those places quickly, easily and safely. As we have said, they also contain emotions and memories associated with places. Locative media do not replace the role of cognitive maps in our everyday lives, of course, but our thinking about places might become different as location-based technologies become more embedded into activities in everyday life. Besides helping us to navigate in spatial environments (by providing us with sensory cues as well as meanings, memories and associations), cognitive maps necessarily involve a personal dimension, where our self-identity and narration play a crucial role. Cognitive 6
maps can help us to establish our memories, to recall them, to place them in time and to experience the world in different ways. Mobile Nodes: Mapping London For the study, 38 people who were users of at least one mobile communications technology (most typically, a smartphone) volunteered to draw sketch maps of London. Participants were selected in an unstructured manner, with no specific age, gender or ethnicity given priority. The recruitment process started with Tweets, Facebook groups and events, as well as email lists. For participants to see what kind of a study they would be taking part in, a research website was established (www.mobilenodes.co.uk). Adapting the work of Lynch 23, and adjusting his study to locative media, each participant was provided with an A2 size piece of white paper and colorful pens, and took part in a 90 minute session which involved drawing and discussing one sketch map of London each. As the study was based in London, it is important to look at the participants' maps within the context of how they perceive London in general. There was a common tendency among the research participants to consider London as a mobile city. For some, it was hard to mark only the 'nodes' of mobility and instead of doing so, they shaded all parts of London to explain its mobility. My London, my smartphone: `I am forever forever mobile, forever on 3G!' One of the basic associations that people make with mobility is based on where and how they can use their smartphones. For example, C. D. (24, Male) shaded all of London (with blue), indicating his being mobile in London. For him, mobility in London was mainly associated with his smartphone. He described why and how he associates London with mobile communication, especially his smartphone and its location-aware features: `Sometimes it is just by accident. They just pop-up. You know, that I forget to turn off the location. But it is useful if I am going somewhere and like when I'm filming. I geotag where I am, so people, rest of the crew would know where I am at that moment. If I'm meeting somebody, it is handy to share location, using messages or whatever, to people. You know it is literally convenience.' 7
Another respondent, E. F. (22, Male) noted that on his map (Figure 1) South London is represented by nothing. `First thing I've done is that I've pretty much shaded the south of the river. There's nothing there, we don't go south of the river. Because there is nothing there!' When asked what he means by `nothing there', his reply was indicative of both physical mobility and communicative mobility: `I mean the tube doesn't go down there... I think I'll stick to this shading here, because you can't get good reception on the South of the river either. I'm on Tmobile, and I go there, I go there and I go to Clapham and the reception is shit as well. So T-mobile doesn't work south of the river either!' [Insert Figure 1 Here] Spatial knowledge is created via primary sources (our ability to remember and think about space such as walking in a city) and secondary sources (external references such as maps)24. Locative media and map applications on smartphones help people navigate in a city and act as secondary sources, however they at the same time bring with them a dependence on those technologies. With the example of the map of London drawn by G. H., even someone who knows how to navigate in a city by heart may still wish to make sure that the route they know is correct, short or safe. Knowing how to get to places quickly, easily and safely is listed by Downs & Stea as one of the main utilitarian uses of cognitive mapping25, but this may be replaced by dependence on locative media, as locative media can have consequences for our everyday spatial cognition, and therefore our senses of places. Personal Narratives: Where? Who? What? In an urban space, it is almost impossible to imagine the people without considering their regular social interactions. The meaning that is attributed to and constructed by space and spatial relations define that space in each individual's mind. Lefebvre defined social space as `the space of society, of social life'26. In the study, social construction of space was a common theme that emerged from the sketch maps. Participants usually referred to their social circles when explaining their maps. For example, in her map, O.P. (21, Female) drew Hampstead Heath and Leicester Square and recalled some memories associated with those places: 8
`Basically that's me, my boyfriend, Mark and another person, we went to Hampstead Heath and watched the fireworks on New Year's Eve. Also, I spend a lot of time going to King's Cross going into London and out of London. And that's where I went ice-skating'. As Downs & Stea observe, `an image of `where' brings back a recollection of `who' and `what'.' 27. So by drawing Hampstead Heath and Leicester Square (Figure 2), O. P. (21, Female) recalled the memories with her friends and boyfriend (who) while watching the fireworks and ice-skating (what). She has shaded and circled railways and train stations as nodes of mobility. [Insert Figure 2 Here] From those genuine social relations that one establishes within a city, the place acquires a different meaning. This sense of place provides the individual with a sense of belonging to the community. This sense of belonging is believed to construct personal identities, and in turn, communities28. Locative media mean that people can visualize their own location in a different way, as well as communicating it to others. When we talk or think about our own experiences of a place, we refer back to our personal biographies, our stories that have been created socially and somehow inscribed on our mental maps. Thus, there is an element of nostalgia in cognitive mapping, as it involves recalling and recollecting29. Recall and Recollect: When? Feelings about certain places are shaped by past events, and mobile communication devices can be used to keep a record, a form of biography or diary. Participants in this study stated that they go back to their photos, mobile Facebook status updates or Foursquare check-ins, to remember those places and recall those memories. One of the main uses of locative media, especially smartphones, in these situations are taking pictures, geotagging them and uploading them to Facebook or Foursquare. For instance S.T. (21, Female) said that she uses her smartphone to take pictures either in order to remember a place and memories associated with those places, or to share those moments with loved ones. (Figure 3 in e-book). [Insert Figure 3 Here in e-book] 9
In the process of drawing sketch maps and using them for telling stories, we saw that people recalled memories associated with places, and inserted them on their maps as iconic images. For instance, W. X. (25, Female) drew a pipe representing Sherlock Holmes just by Baker Street, his fictional home (Figure 4). [Insert Figure 4 Here] She then added King's Cross St. Pancras Station, location of Platform 9ѕ in the Harry Potter novels and films: `Sherlock Holmes is, I think, the first memory of the UK, because my father bought the book for me when I was 7, so Baker Street... I think it is a dream place. I think the second most important memory about London is Harry Potter. So King's Cross, the station for Harry Potter is the second one.' These examples suggest that places, even if they are ordinary and taken for granted by some people, can acquire a special meaning not only through social events that took place there, but also with associations that we recall from books, other people's stories, movies, and media in general. Of course, we should note that `special meanings' are not necessarily positive ones. Some participants marked places on their maps as the site of traumatic or upsetting experiences ­ usually with dark colors. These remind us that individual meanings are not always sweet, or charming, or cause for warm nostalgia. Discussion and conclusion We would expect that sketch maps `provide insights into the relationship between people's environmental representation and their behavior in the environment' 30. They serve as platforms where people can spend time creating their own representations of places, and telling their stories based on those representations. The maps typically capture the crucial characteristics of a sense of place ­ where things happen, and with whom ­ mixed with emotions and associations, blending the sense of a place with aspects of time. The sketch maps, used as storytelling platforms, can therefore be infused with nostalgia, a way of trying to preserve the past31. The notion of rapid change and the need to hang onto a moment is closely related to modern urban life styles and their struggles with mobility. It is not only the location of 10
things and people that matter to us, but also the meanings of the relationships hidden under each of those locations. We may sometimes bypass the importance of those memories and associations just by remembering to check-in or sharing memories about places with our social networks, but in the end not only what we tell and share but also how we remember them becomes important. Sketch maps, therefore, can suggest the ways in which locations are turned into meaningful places and memories, which also have a close relation not only to how we perceive and (re)present places, but also how we tell stories about our lives. Paul Ricoeur's three-volume study of how narratives are made meaningful, Time and Narrative32, and discussion of these ideas in relation to personal identity, in Oneself as Another 33, acquire new value when we consider lives in the city mediated by today's communications technologies. For Ricoeur, understandings are achieved through storytelling, a process which takes place across time; and also, therefore, selfunderstandings are acquired by the same route. We tell stories ­ in other words, narrative accounts (to call the account a `story' doesn't mean that it is untrue) ­ in order to share ideas, about the world, or other people, or ourselves. Storytelling selects a number of particular elements, and arranges them into an order, to suggest a particular meaning. The electronic mobile communications which people give off daily within a city ­ status updates and location check-ins ­ can be seen as an ongoing weaving of narrative; the elements are certainly selected, for consumption by some kind of audience. However, these ongoing stories are a continuous `middle' ­ most readers would never look for the `beginning,' and there is usually no `ending'. The transitory nature of social media ­ where we turn our attention to the fast-flowing river of information when we choose to, but do not even hope to attend to it all in the way that one is meant to examine every item in one's pile of email ­ also means that many bits of the `story' will be missed by most members of the `audience'. Both of these factors ­ the continuous middle, and the scattergun relationship with an audience ­ mean that these stories typically lack emplotment, an overall meaning which configures and makes sense of all the individual bits. The process of drawing and talking about sketch maps, however, tends to drive that element back in: implicitly, if not explicitly, the process requires that stories are told, based on experiences of the city and mobile technologies. 11
Therefore, we are really talking about two modes of storytelling. First, there is the continuous narrative of the self shared in social media ­ a self which is often quite abstract in its positioning, and sometimes is located in specified places. (Some users, of course, are more likely to report physical locations than others, and some kinds of social media take location as the starting point of all interaction). Second, there is the narrative created in the process of making and talking about a sketch map. Obviously, the first happens all the time, for many people; the second occurs rarely, as part of a research process. But the latter gives us insights into what is happening in the former. If memories and self-identities are already stored and shared through a kind of storytelling process ­ which is heightened and made more apparent by the use of social media, and especially locative media ­ then our sketch map research process involves a second pass through the storytelling process: not just a telling, but a compact retelling, of stories about self and identity in the city. Ricoeur suggests that there is a playfulness in all narratives ­ a testing-out of ideas regarding the stories that it is possible to tell. `In this sense,' he writes, `literature proves to consist in a vast laboratory for thought experiments in which the resources of variation encompassed by narrative identity are put to the test of narration' (1992: 148). We might similarly view people's everyday performances in social media as experiments in self-representation. Parallel to the dialectic of `sameness' and `selfhood', which Ricoeur identifies as central to personal identity, we can see that mobile social media stories are often about the dialectic of the ordinary and the extraordinary: stories of life being played out between the poles of `Here I am, doing this, again', and `Wow! I'm doing this!'. Locative media adds a layer of illustrative realism by confirming the mundanity (`I'm waiting for my train') or excitement (`I'm inside the BBC!') of moving between places in everyday life. Leaving these traces in the online space has a parallel with another earlier, but more recent, sociological study which is about identities but not electronic technologies. Tony Whincup considered the physical objects which people keep and display in their homes, seeing them as attempts to preserve feelings and memories which otherwise would be 12
intangible, and become forgotten. He writes that the nature of memory is of `vital concern' to both individuals and groups: Memory, a slippery and fragile thing, is constantly open to subtraction and addition. Inevitably, people have searched for strategies through which to restore the memory of these otherwise tenuous and transitory life events and socially agreed values.34 Writing a decade ago, Whincup was not thinking of mobile and locative social media, but his approach is fruitful in this realm. Tweets, shared photographs, and Foursquare checkins here take the role of the `mnemonic objects' which Whincup says `generally encapsulate the best of people's reflections about themselves,' enabling an ``advantageous' sense of self' to be sustained35. The material `broadcast' in social media is both ostensibly and actually for an external audience, then, but perhaps is most significant in constructing a narrative identity for oneself. This point is heightened by the fact that the sender is likely to be the only individual in the world who sees all of it (as mentioned above, other members of the `audience' will typically only see the bits which coincide with the times when they happen to turn their attention to that social media service). This is not to suggest that individuals concoct representations of the self based on an insecure or paranoid orientation to the world. As Whincup suggests, drawing on Wilhelm Dilthey, this is part of a social process in which we naturally consider our symbolic output in relation to other people's, and tends towards a positive and `identityaffirming' role36. Locative media enable users to create a record of the interesting places that they have been to, as well as a cheerful or resigned note of the boring locations that they frequent, and ­ when used alongside text and images, as they typically are ­ build up an illustrated story of a particular identity in the world. We can conclude, then, that encouraging users of mobile communication technologies to draw their own maps of London provided them with a platform to tell their stories, and the researchers with a tool to better understand their inner worlds. Sketch maps, used this way in understanding spatial behavior in mobile media, and how we make associations with places via locative media, can be seen to offer personal representations of memories, and nostalgic feelings. During the process of drawing and recalling, a story ­ 13
which otherwise might have been buried and forgotten ­ was often revealed. The stories of everyday life and locative media use are, of course, entwined, with each informing the other. Everyday life is brought into focus though the ways in which bits of it are captured and reflected in Electronic Media, and the value of locative media becomes apparent when we see its role in telling the stories of everyday lives. Student Assignment: Think about a city that you live in, or are familiar with. What is the overall image of it when you think about frequently visited places? Do you have special places in that city which add to your feelings about it? On a piece of paper, draw a quick map of your city. This map doesn't have to be geographically correct or accurate, just a rough sketch is fine. After you have drawn for 2 minutes, explain and discuss your map in groups of four or five people. Consider questions such as `Why do you think you have drawn this place? Is there a special or important reason for that?'. Then raise questions concerning how you share your memories of those places with your social circle, and whether or not you use a mobile communication technology for that purpose. After this discussion (10 minutes), now circle or shade the areas on your map where you remember that you have used any type of mobile communication device. When you have finished, explain what these devices are, how you use them, and what difference you think these devices make in your everyday life. NOTES 1. David Gauntlett, Creative Explorations: New Approaches to Identities and Audiences (London: Routledge, 2007). 2. Roger M. Downs and David Stea, Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977), 6. 3. ibid. 14
4. Susan Blackmore, Consciousness: An Introduction (London: Hodder Arnold, 2003); Susan Blackmore, ed., Conversations on Consciousness (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); David Rose, Consciousness: Philosophical, Psychological, and Neural Theories (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); Daniel Dennett, Consciousness Explained (London: Penguin, 1991); Daniel Dennett, Sweet Dreams: Philosophical Obstacles to a science of consciousness (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2005). 5. Rob Kitchin and Mark Blades, The Cognition of Geographic Space (London: I. B. Tauris, 2002), 1. 6. Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1960). 7. Hayden White, `The Value of Narrativity in the Representation of Reality,' Critical Inquiry 7, no. 1 (1980), 5. 8. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Massachusetts: Blackwell, 1991), 40. 9. ibid. 10. Roger M. Downs and David Stea, Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977), 7. 11. Roger M. Downs and David Stea, Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977). 12. ibid. 13. David Gauntlett, Creative Explorations: New Approaches to Identities and Audiences (London: Routledge, 2007). 14. Roger M. Downs and David Stea, Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977), 4. 15. Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1960), 2-3. 16. ibid., 9. 17. David Clark, Urban Geography: An Introductory Guide (London: Croom Helm Ltd, 1982), 18. 18. Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1960), 92-102. 19. John R. Gold and George Revill, Representing the Environment (Oxon: Routledge, 2004), 294. 20. Roger M. Downs and David Stea, Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977). 21. Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1960), 29. 22. Roger M. Downs and David Stea, Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977). 23. Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1960). 15
24. Rob Kitchin and Mark Blades, The Cognition of Geographic Space (London: I. B. Tauris, 2002). 25. Roger M. Downs and David Stea, Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977). 26. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Massachusetts: Blackwell, 1991), 35. 27. Roger M. Downs and David Stea, Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977), 27. 28. Edward Relph, Place and Placelessness (London: Pion, 1976). 29. John Eyles, Senses of Place (Cheshire: Silverbrook Press, 1985). 30. Rob Kitchin and Mark Blades, The Cognition of Geographic Space (London: I. B. Tauris, 2002), 7. 31. Yi-Fu Tuan, Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1977), 188. 32. Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative: Volume 1, trans. Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984); Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative: Volume 2, trans. Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative: Volume 3, trans. Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). 33. Paul Ricoeur, Oneself as Another, trans. Kathleen Blamey (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). 34. Tony Whincup, `Imaging the Intangible,' in Picturing the Social Landscape: Visual Methods and the Sociological Imagination, ed. Caroline Knowles and Paul Sweetman (London: Routledge, 2004), 80 35. ibid., 81. 36. David Gauntlett, Creative Explorations: New Approaches to Identities and Audiences (London: Routledge, 2007), 142. 16

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