The rhetoric of power in the Bayeux tapestry, S Lewis

Tags: Bayeux Tapestry, Ibid., Bayeux Tap, the Bayeux Tapestry, inscriptions, Latin inscriptions, Norman Conquest, William the Conqueror, text, literary genre, written record, Feudal Society, Medieval Interpretation, Harold Harefoot, narrative strategies, literary history, representation, visual narrative, Latin letters, medieval writing, pp, literary conventions, Norman Gestae, Encomium Emmae Reginae, Queen Emma, panegyric, Anglo-Norman, Harold Godwinson
Content: THE RHETORIC .OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY
SUZANNE LEWIS Cambridge University PRESS
CHAPTER ONE THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE
II!).I S A CELEBRATED "HISTORICAL DOCUMENT," the Bayeux Tapestry has often been measured against a ·. ......·.. ... . .. number of narratives that tell the story of the Battle of Has tings, but the work has rarely been considered as a "text" in and of itself, one among many accounts belonging to a literary genre or class of text. When its status as "text" is recognized, however, the Bayeux Tapestry can be seen as a distinctive narrative, uniquely capable of cre ating a challenging horizon of multiple expectations that defined its pur pose or project for late-eleventh -century audiences in ways that have not yet been considered. That the designer intended to claim the work's sta tus as text is made abundantly clear by the profusion of Latin inscrip tions, describing each event as well as identifying persons and places. As the Norman Conquest inaugurated a new era of written documents in England, the Bayeux Tapestry stands at the beginning of a gradual new confidence in the written record. 1 Judging from their distinctive or thography and spelling, the inscriptions were formulated in England for an Anglo-Norman audience.2 Within a new Norman bureaucracy of unprecedented scale, Latin re placed Old English as the only language of record. 3 Although among the aristocracy the ability to read Latin became a necessity, most read ers were literate only in a minimal or practical sense, in contrast to the fully developed literacy of "cultivated" readers.4 After the Normal Con quest, linguistic usage in England became extraordinarily complex, caused primarily by the introduction of French as the language spoken
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THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE at court. When the Latin inscriptions of the Bayeux Tapestry were read aloud, as was generally intended for such works, the style and register of the written words would have been most likely transformed into English or French, just as a Latin charter would have been customarily read aloud in the yernacular. As Clanchy remarks, literati evidently interchanged lan guages effortlessly, using whichever one was appropriate for the occa sion. Latin simply served as a common medium of literacy in a multilin gual and predominantly oral society.5 Notwithstanding the profound effects of writing on the nature of ev idence in the form of a durable and reliable record, medieval writing was still mediated by the persistent practice of reading aloud. Even educat ed readers preferred listening to a statement rather than silently decod ing it in script.6 On one level at least, the inscriptions in the Bayeux Tap estry functioned like a musical score, specifying the essential properties of an audible performance and setting forth what was required by the text? Written Latin letters were a cue for speech, not a substitute for it. Throughout the Middle Ages, writing was speech written down, as in Augustine's oft-quoted formulation: 'When a word is written, a sign is made in the eyes by which that sign which pertains to the ears comes into mind."8In the Augustinian phonocentric hierarchy of speaking, ges turing, listening, writing, and reading, the letter is identified as a copy of prior speech, and writing must appeal to speaki ng for authentication.9 In the words of the twelfth-century writer John of Salisbury, "Funda mentally letters are shapes indicating voices.... Frequently they speak voicelessly the utterances of the absent."lo In the Bayeux Tapestry this seems particularly obvious in the full stops signaled between each word, facilitating the reader's quick vocalization and translation of the script. As Michel Parisse suggests, the short, declarative statements of the in scriptions provided the script for a sound track in which a narrator "voices-over" the cinematic flow of a purely visual narrative. 1 t As Parisse and Brilliant suggest, the verballltext" of the Bayeux Tapestry would have been mediated by a speaker or interlocutor who would perform it for an audience. 12 But a critical disjunction prevailed between vernacular and script in performance, so that the Latin inscriptions can be compared to H
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY the printed subtitles for a Silent film to which a dubbed-in sound track has been added, a "voice over" giving an instant, audible translation in another language. 13 The voice over shifts the narrative into an assertive mode. Events are not simply revealed in a camera-eye style but are recounted by a narra tor ~ho explicates what is already implicated visually. 14 The narrator creates a secondary discourse outside the visible "story," posterior in time. It is a voice that looks back but, literally speaking, cannot "see" any thing in the otherworld of the past. 15 The Bayeux Tapestry's inscriptions constitute a covert narratio. We hear a voice speaking of events, charac ters, and places, but its owner remains hidden in the discursive shadows. The voice is nonetheless authoritative. As he exerts a special power to make independent descriptive statements, the external narrator presents a strongly conceptual view. Knowing all but not necessarily telling all, the highly selective discourse of the concealed voice regularly withholds information from the audience in the form of terse summaries. Although concision is an inherent feature of the inscription as a kind of "lapidary charter," 16 such terse summary calls attention to itself as a solution to the problem of spanning a period of story-time that is unnecessary to detail. The truncated account declares the presence of its maker, as well as the pretension of the narrator's discourse to transmit remembered and pre sumably already written records. In view of the complex maneuvers involved in making the Latin inscribed images accessible to the contemporary viewing public, we are faced with a problematic confusion or redundancy of semiotic systems, not only verbal and visual, but linguistic as well. I? Writing about a sim ilar but imaginary tapestry picturing the same events leading to William's Conquest, the Norman poet Baudri of Bourgeuil sets a clear agenda for the Bayeux Tapestry's visual-verbal strategy: "In reading the writing in the inscriptions, the true and new histories could pass in review on the linen cloth" (emphasis added).18 Far from functioning as a "stripped-down chronicle," the sequence of terse descriptions of what is happening in each scene declares the Bayeux Tapestry's status as a historical text, writ ten in a language appropriate to a commemorative genre whose truth 12
THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE claim as a written record was to be taken seriously, whether the viewer could actually read it or not. Just as the lineation of certain texts identi fies them as poems, the Latin inscriptions in the Bayeux Tapestry desig nate it as a work of historical prose.1 9 The visible presence of the Latin text functioned as a critical component of its message. In every sense, the verbal text constitutes a valorization of the literal surface of the work. As fabricated verbal structures, the inscriptions offer forceful, unequiv ocal declarations of fact in the present tense, describing what is hap pening before the viewer's eyes. 20 The off-screen narration of the voice over seems simply to reproduce what is shown on the screen. The narrator's discourse is "now," but the images are located back "then" in story-time. 21 As the designer of the Bayeux Tapestry stresses the narrative surface as a constructed text, both the medieval and modern "reader" become in creasingly aware of its status as a literary genre and of the necessity of locating its "text" within a larger literary context. What is sometimes per ceived to be "the truly eclectic character of its narrative/'22 might be seen more productively in terms of intertextuality and generic complexity. Al though generic thinking in terms of conceptual models was compara tively rare in the Middle Ages. functional classes of texts can be seen to have shaped how writers produced and readers responded to literary works.23 In Jonathan Culler's formulation, liThe function of genre con ventions is essentially to establish a contract between writer and reader so as to make certain relevant expectations operative and thus to permit intelligibility."24 Just as genre serves as a powerful explanatory tool for modem readers, enabling us to locate a text within a concrete configu ration of other texts, generic recognition enabled the medieval reader to experience the work in an intertextual world of prior readings. 25 Rather than habitually concealing their sources, medieval texts exploited inter textual signals that could summon diffuse recollections, inviting the reader to place the text within the context of previous experiences. Me dieval texts depend for their existence and meaning on other texts. 26 Fre quently, truth itself is conceived in terms of being true to literary tradi tion - to other texts rather than to facts.27 As we find ourselves caught 13
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY in an intertextual web woven of history and story in the Bayeux Tapes try, we are dealing not simply with a question of genre, but with a me dieval understanding of the relation between truth and narrative, reali ty and art.28 Medieval texts presume knowledgeable audiences; they depend upon the recognition of a particular work as genre and the kinds of texts it re sembles, from which the reader is then instructed how to read it.29 Dis tinctive narrative genres, such as epic, define a frame of reference, a nar rative logic, a formal structure that possesses a greater power of containment, in the sense that genericrules function as part of the struc turing of social memory. The past tends to be remembered on a social level through narrative conventions that are remarkably stable and im plicitly recognized. 30 But "genre" can also raise as many problems as it solves, since medieval definitions inherited from classical antiquity rarely fit the kinds of texts in current medieval use,31 The conventional patterns and styles offered by most medieval texts reveal an interpene tration of genres that offer diverse rhetorical registers and rich layers of nonliteral meaning. Such possibilities of generic manipulation take the text beyond imitation and pastiche, as they imply an audience with con structed expectations about how texts represent the past. 32 As Ruth Morse rightly argues, medieval readers were neither stupid nor credu lous. 33 Given that the historian's right of invention did not invalidate the truth of what he wrote, the alert interpreter was constantly on the look out for what he was supposed to be reminded of and in which texts he had seen or heard it before, creating patterns of intertextual recognition capable of framing the reader's understanding. Although modern scholarship on the Bayeux Tapestry has focused much of its energy on determining the degree of "truth" or facticity that can be claimed for its striking account of the Norman Conquest of 1066, the question probably would have been a matter of indifference to me dieval viewers. "Truth" about the past had a very different resonance and valence in the medieval experience. The Bayeux Tapestry is not a straightforward or reliable account of the events in the order in which they occurred. 34 Consciously distancing itself from the extended 14
THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE chronological expanse and annalistic structure of monastic chronicles, the narrow focus on the single event of the Battle of Hastings provides a sustained theme and subject characteristic of "Literary History."35 In deed, the Bayeux Tapestry manipulates the narrative to alert the audi ence to recognizable literary conventions. 36 Often overriding the chronological sequence of events, the author-deSigner worked the "facts" into a story (redt) on one level, interlaced with an interpretive dis course on the other. Given the highly selective, often unreliable manipulation of histori cal material inherent within medieval representation - both word and image - it no longer seems useful or even feasible to measure the au thenticity or assess the sources of the Bayeux Tapestry. We might take a more productive approach by exploring questions of rhetoric and agen da to assess its extraordinary power to move and compel audiences to become complicit in the visual argument. Beginning with a simple but striking linguistic shift in rejecting the vernacular of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, which had been promoted as part of an insular royal policy of cultural revival begun under Alfred the Great, the Bayeux Tapestry's Latin, however rudimentary, catapulted its audience into a new histori ographical regime following the Norman Conquest. 37 By creating a rec ognizable "literary history," the designer of the Bayeux Tapestry aligned himself with a class of writers common in France but rare in England, of ficial or semiofficial historians writing at the command of a royal or aris tocratic patron. 38 Indeed, the Bayeux Tapestry's status as history in and of itself constituted a claim to the common intellectual stock of post Conquest feudal society. However, as Marc Bloch pointed out, by a cu rious paradox, through the very fact of the new Anglo-Norman respect for the past, history carne to be reconstructed as the new feudal society considered it ought to have been, that is, as a new and present "reality."39 What is unclear today is what kind of "literary history" the Bayeux Tap estry was intended to represent to its literate and semiliterate court au diences. As its narrative strategies involve generic models in the con temporary Norman gestae composed for William the Conqueror, and epic chansons de geste, such as the Song oj Roland, as well as older, more venera 15
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY ble traditions of Latin panegyric, the narrator seems tacitly to defer to some prior work or "pre-text." At the same time, he exploits the prob lematics of genre to construct a multilayered narrative frame and to cre ate a space within which he can manipulate his "true" tales about the past. Diverse conventions of narrative implicate his representation in a com plex series of displacements. Intertextual references create a dynamic re lationship between present and prior texts, suggesting a parallel narra tive, a dialogic commentary upon the text, sometimes subverting, sometimes reinforcing, but always intervening in its meaning.4o In the slippage between event and representation there is room for maneuver and invention, not only for the designer but for his audience as well. As we shall see, generic complexity and the narrative indeterminacy it cre ates in the Bayeux Tapestry can be seen as a way of mediating tensions created by a culture uncomfortable with the naked bias of propaganda, at one extreme, and the allegorical interpretation demanded of free standing fiction, at the other. HISTORY Writing in the twelfth century, Conrad of Hirsau defined history as "something seen ... for the Greek historin is visio [sight] in Latin. The writer of history is said to write of events he has witnessed."41 Although the visual component of such eyewitnessed history was conventionally left to the medieval reader's imagination, the Bayeux Tapestry recounts its historical narrative as a dramatic material visualization of witnessed events. In a very real sense, the cyclical imaging of history defines the viewer along with the narrator as an "eyewitness," valorized since the time of Isidore of Seville as the most compelling guarantor of historical truth. 42 The apparently straightforward truth-claims implied by me dieval notions of eyewitnessed history, however, were by no means as simple or unproblematic as they might seem. Because history was de fined throughout the Middle Ages as inherently allied to the literary constructions of fiction, writing and reading about past events were problematized and inevitably made more complex in ways that more 16
THE PROBLEJ'vIATICS OF GENRE closely approach our own poststructuralist notions. In Paul Ricoeur's for mulation of the double meaning of "history," the word refers to the events of the past, things done (res gestae), and at the same time to their representations. 43 For the Middle Ages, history was a literary genre, distinguished from other narrative texts only by the presumed "truth" of its content. The medieval expression of this idea can be seen in Isidore of Seville's inclu sion of history in the category of Grammar, the third component of the trivium that embraced all literary studies.44 "History" thus comprises a secular category of long, verisimilar narratives. But in the conceptual space of the Middle Ages, where there was no exterior criterion of ver ifiability beyond the memory and judgment of the reader: "true" might mean "in the main," "for the most part" true, or even "it could have hap pened like this.f/45 Since historical writing was openly practiced and per ceived to be a narrative imposed on the events, patent fictions were of ten presented as part of a true account. If problems of factuality cannot be resolved to the satisfaction of modern readers, how did medieval readers negotiate their way through literary history's constant elabora tion toward fiction? If history was defined by its content of res gestae, understanding was largely determined by the manner of its narratio as literary genre. Rhetor ically trained readers learned to understand by recognizing how to in terpret particular kinds of text; the eyes and ears of alert readers were at tuned to patterns of learned expectations.46 By the same token, medieval authors depended on shared habits of reading. 47 The meaning of a pas sage or even of a whole work might ultimately depend upon the reader's recognition of its place in a familiar scheme of style, method, and organ ization. 48 Within a given range of licensed invention, historical texts were first read as eloquent and elegant representations before they were judged to be True or False. Historical "content" thus referred to a com plex intersection of past events and their interpretations, intended to be recognized and understood in accordance with rhetorically related habits of understanding acquired in the course of a medieval Latin education. 49 Texts fonned a meaningful context of conventional repre 17
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY sentations, generated by subtle but recognizable colorations from chronicle to prose legend to chanson de geste. As we explore medieval history-as-story or "history-telling" and its progressive concern for reaching and holding an audience, an inevitable intertextuality emerges in the complex relationship between claims to be telling the truth about the past and conventional patterns of fictional narrative.50 Although the Bayeux Tapestry's intersections with the Norman biased Gestae of William of ]umieges and William of Poi tiers have been demonstrated rept;atedly and with compelling conviction, the nature of the relationship that connects the Anglo-Norman work produced for Odo of Bayeux with the continental historians writing for William the Conqueror have been only vaguely defined. The ostensible overlap be longs exclusively to the realm of event description, such as Harold's jour ney to Normandy, William's Breton campaign against Conan, and the centrality of Harold's oathS! Notwithstanding the impressive number of such intersections, we cannot legitimately speak of "borrowing" one from the other. Rather, the Bayeux Tapestry and the Norman Gestae can be seen as contemporary historical projects drawing upon the same pool of oral and written accounts by eyewitnesses and secondhand observers. In terms of genre, or "literary history," they emerge as follOWing parallel but independent and even unrelated tracks. In contrast to the ambitious scope of the Gestae, which ground their projects in lengthy narratives dealing with the origins of the Norman dukes, the Bayeux Tapestry in augurates its discourse by focusing on Harold of Wessex, William's rival to the English throne, and his relationships with King Edward the Con fessor and the duke of Normandy in the years immediately prior to Has tings. Although all three accounts arguably defend William's claim, the Norman sources adopt the characteristic biographical form of the Gesta, dominated by the single major figure of the Conqueror rather than fo cusing on the event of the battle and its precipitating causes. All the ac counts are ostenSibly centered on the problematic transmission of royal power, but the Bayeux Tapestry's agenda becomes demonstrably more complex through its digression to the role played by Odo in the un 18
THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE folding of the drama, a role that remained largely unacknowledged in the Gestae commissioned by or dedicated to his half-brother William. In several respects, however, the Bayeux Tapestry aligns itselfwith the enterprise of William of Jumieges. In contrast with the polished, self conscious latin of his contemporary William of Poitiers, William of Ju mieges claims to be writing in a plain and intelligible style. Like the sim ple declarative latin sentences that accompany the scenes of the Bayeux Tapestry, the Gesta N.mnannorum Ducum makes itself accessible to the min imally literate reader through simple grammatical constructions and rudimentary vocabulary. Even William of Poitiers makes an ostenta tiously declared rejection of the poetic embellishment for the bare facts of a "meager prose."52 On another level, the discursive change signals an ideological initiative. As Gabrielle Spiegel argues, prose histories emerge as a courtly literature of "fact" created for the new Anglo Norman aristocracy to explore and valorize its post-Conquest monic aspirations.53 The flatness and insistently prosaic character of the Bayeux Tapestry's inscriptions, as opposed to the early medieval con vention of setting the tituli accompanying images in rhymed verses, seem calculated to create not only the effect of easy accessibility but a more forceful claim to veracity.54 In addition to espousing the ostensibly superior accuracy of prose, the terse brevity of the Bayeux Tapestry's narrative inscriptions shifts its rhetoric toward the purported facticity of a chronicle. As the chronicler Matthew of Westminster later admonished his readers in describing the much later battle of lewes (1264), "let a poet enumerate all the various occurrences of the day with more license or at greater length ... but brevity keeps us in by a much stricter law, and does not allow us to say how each thing happened, but only what took place."55 Strung togeth er as a relentless series of episodes, the text acquires a "flattened out," un mediated texture that tends to obscure the more complex shape of its "story." Nonetheless, the narrative takes on the essential shape of the oc casional genre of medieval chronicle that is limited, like the Bayeux Tap estry, to a single line of action in which the representation of event and 19
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY story is founded on the implied perception of a preexisting situation, an intrusive disturbance, and its consequence.56 Modes of perception fundamentally different from ours had a pro found impact on the medieval historian's conception of causality. Since action and change inevitably disrupt the status quo, chroniclers were pri marily engaged in reporting events that should not have happened. The universal aristocratic imperative to enlarge one's personal estate or king dom obviously compelled men to create disturbances, while at the same time positing a stable order as the proper condition for the world out side the aggressively expanding individual self. Here we find ourselves entering Jameson's ideological subtext of lIabsent causes,lI the illusion of causality in history.57 As William Brandt argued, medieval history is shaped by a fundamental incoherence that resolves itself in a search for stability and order.58 The narrative of the secular or aristocratic chron icle thus owes its organization not primarily to a mode of preparation but to a value system or ideology. Self-proclaimed "documentary" representations of the past create an effect of presence. Indeed, we might argue that one of the major pro jects that the Bayeux Tapestry shared with Anglo-Norman history was to make the past present in order to show that the past already belonged to a coherent new order of feudal values. As Paul Zumthor put it, History was only a more profound form of memory that added substance to the present and projected it into the future as a more intense form of being. It was conceived both as the milieu in which the social group ex isted and as one of the ways in which the group perceived and knew itself.59 Because virtue is found in specified status relationships within the feudal system,60 the Bayeux Tapestry's theatrical IIstaginess" and exaggerated gestures provide a totally "natural" narrative environment for protago nists who were basically conceived as actors in a scripted performance coded to give meaning to behavior within its very narrow range of hu man motivation and experience.61 IIHistory" in the Bayeux Tapestry as 20
THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE serts continuity, especially as a repository of rights and privileges, since the precedent of ancestral deeds could be used to argue for or justify cur rent claims to rank, land, and prestige,62 One of the Bayeux Tapestry's most powerful rhetorical strategies toward this end was to align itself with the epic genre of the chanson de geste. EPIC In the Bayeux Tapestry, the text unfolds gradually, similar to an epic bear ing within itself its own sense of purpose63 The most widely accepted current opinion is that French epic appears in its earliest form toward the middle of the eleventh century, that is, at roughly the same time as the Bayeux Tapestry, and that its point of origin seems to lie in northern France, particularly in Normandy,64 Within the new genre, events sup plied by history are subjected to profound distortion and deformation caused by the text's internal requirements and the desire to introduce al lusions to the contemporary world. 65 As a precisely controlled pro grammatic discourse, the chanson succeeds more powerfully than histo ry in dramatizing the agonistic struggles of its protagonists.66 However, as Nichols and Zumthor have argued, the driving force of epic narrative is not human character but the feudal order and its values. 67 As the nar rative balance shifts from result to process, the discourse opens to greater audience participation, inviting the viewer to take sides with and against the characters. Like the epic gesfes, the Bayeux Tapestry was not intend ed to be read but declaimed, but it was not ajongleur who made the rounds from castle to castle but the visual narrative itself.68 Notwithstanding the critical differences in the perception of "truth" in prose as opposed to epic poetry,69 it might be useful to compare the Bayeux Tapestry with the only other surviving "text" that centers as nar rowly on the Norman Conquest. Written by Guy, bishop of Amiens, shortly after 1066 and perhaps dedicated to Lanfranc,7° the Carmen de Hastingae Proe/io is a literary work in the well-known genre of Latin epic written in verse for a contemporary audience?l Unlike the Bayeux Tap 2l
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY estry, the Carmen begins in medias res with William en route to England. Perhaps more transparent than its historical prose counterparts in the Latin gestae are obvious displays of rhetoric designed to locate the work in the classical epic tradition in praise of a hero. As the Carmen opens, William, weatherbound, despairs and weeps, but the poet assures the reader that, in the same way that the English could not deter him from claiming his ancestral kingdom, neither the sea nor rocky shore could stop his voyage across the Cnannel. Just as Orderic Vitalis, writing ca. 1125, readily recognized the epic cast of the Carmen de Hastingae, 72 simi lar rhetorical strategies have been recognized in the Bayeux Tapestry by modern critics who relate its narrative structure to the chanson de geste. 73 Twelfth-century writers, such as Wace and William of Malmesbury, even assert that the Song oj Roland was sung or recited to the Norman troops at Hastings?4 What is significant here lies not in the historical accura cy of their claim but in the twelfth-century idea that William's mission in England could be framed within the same ethical and political struc ture valorized in Roland's account of the epic struggle between Charle magne's most loyal and traitorous vassals. Indeed, the secular setting of the baronial hall for the display of the Bayeux Tapestry and the open bat tlefield space for the recitation of Roland address the same warrior audi ence in contrasting pre- and post-Conquest circumstances?5 The reality of epic depends almost entirely on its social function in a lived world. It is important, therefore, to consider the imaged narrative as a semiotic system, a sign and carrier of meaning that exploits a gen eric structure into which "everything comes to insert itself in order to arrive at a particular meaning."76 Within the descriptive framework of epic, we can then ask how the designer structured the work by play ing out a limited number of possibilities defined by the genre in such a way that the viewer's perception and understanding are registered in a conventional trajectory of expectations. Within Jauss's suggested "norms" of the epic genre,77 the Bayeux Tapestry's "author" can be seen retreating behind the material, so that the events seem to narrate them selves. The simple declarative statements of the Latin inscriptions, such as "Here the messenger comes to Duke William (HIe VENIT ANNUNTIVS 22
THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE AD WILGELMVM DVCEM)," seem noncommittat neutral purveyors of un interpreted, "objective" information. Impersonal discourse relates to the past and is driven by a single objective - to tell a story. Its demonstra tive existence is presented in transitive, present-tense verbal phrases, erasing all links between the author and his text as well as between the text and its public. 78 At the same time, the silhouetted gesturing figures perform or mime the text for an audience comparable to that assembled for the recitation of a chanson by a jongleur. Working against the grain of the present tense in the Bayeux Tapestry's inscriptions, the perception of epic distance is supplied by the viewer rather than the text. The outcome of the story is known, and the events belong wholly to the past, however recent. The suspense centers not on the story itself but upon its telling, its rhetori cal strategies, its interpretive discourse. As we have seen, the impact of the deviation from epic verse to prose and from vernacular to Latin, as well as the shift to a plain, paratactic style, alert the reader-viewer to more insistent claims of "facticity" and truth. They create expectations of the unbiased reporting of events encountered in historical genres (ges tae, chronicles) as opposed to those embedded in the quasi-fictive world of epic. In its temporal ~nd spatial breadth, however, the Bayeux Tapes try clearly belongs to the realm of epic. The action centers upon the sin gle archetypal event of the epic battle, and the plot line is carefully con structed so that events, generated by a seemingly minimal cause, are seen to grow into a catastrophe. Thus, the first part of the Bayeux Tapestry's narrative, concerned with Harold's journey to Normandy, is by no means a simple chronicle of events, but an explication of Harold's feudal obli gation to William, so that when the English earl accepts the crown after Edward's death, the full depth of his treachery can be measured by the medieval spectator?9 Within such a generic framework, Harold's coro nation and Halley's comet can be perceived as epic signs intersecting at a dramatic juncture to become the turning point of the narrative. The inevitable consequences are then played out in the Norman invasion, the battle, Harold's death, and William's victory. With the outcome never in question, the entire story is raised above the level of simple narration. 23
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY The ramifications of the Battle of Hastings encompass a world order, and the protagonists represent the respective fates of the Anglo-Saxons and Normans within a newly configured England.80 As in Roland, characters function almost exclusively as agents of the larger discourse. At the same time, they discover and predicate for them selves the valence of their actions. They are permitted to question, as when William takes counsel with his vassals, and to make mistakes, as when Harold accepts the crown. Such ambiguities and errors become evident only in retrospect as their consequences unfold. In epic, the nar rative strategy derives from the intention not Simply to represent what was known of the event but, serving a more subtle and exemplary pur pose, to enable the text to overcome the foreknowledge of the audience and to reveal problems of knowing or recognition posed for the charac ters. 81 Among the exclusively aristocratic and royal characters required by the genre, a symmetry of power is contrived between the two protago nists by elevating Harold to William's rank of "dux," although he was in reality only earl of Wessex, not "duke of England," as he is insistently styled in the tapestry]s captions prior to his becoming "rex." Further epic symmetries in the delineation of character have been observed in stress ing Harold's bravery and generosity in rescuing one of William's knights from the quicksand near Mont-Saint-Michel, thus making him a worthy opponent in the eyes of the audience. s2 But it is William who emerges as the larger-than-life epic hero at Hastings, when he exhorts his men to fight "valiantly but sensibly" (viriliter et sapienter), and the duke himself tri umphs as a paradigm of feudal virtue, sage et preu, taking counsel with his vassals before taking a course of brave action. 83 Although incidents and details are determined by the memory of eye witnesses and other "historicaJI' accounts, the representation of the real ity of the outer, physical world is minimally evoked by a few signposts (pine or olive trees). The densely twisting trees that appear in the Bayeux Tapestry, however] do not seem to serve the same function of "epic mark ers" as those in Roland, but, like the Latin inscriptions, playa grammati 24
THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE cal, punctuating role by marking the boundaries between episodes in the narrative. Place markers for important events in the Bayeux Tapestry are signaled by architectural frames rather than trees. As in all medieval narratives, acts are differentiated through symbolic gestures and under lined by familiar topo;, such as the dramatic portent of the darkness at noon in Roland and the comet following Harold's coronation in the Bayeux Tapestry. 84 As Auerbach pointed out, all events are types enclosing their own in terpretations within themselves. 85 The Bayeux Tapestry contains a rich sequence of topoi, where set pieces, such as the dangerous crossing of a river near Mont-Saint-Michel, form the basis for the audience's partici pation in a text that can be directly felt as part of a common heritage. 86 Such topo; as the ruler taking counsel, the embassy, or the horrors of death in battle operate as referents, and thus have allusive rather than descriptive power. Unlike the modern cliche, they achieve a concentra tion of meaning through an almost limitless range of imaginative dis placements,87 so that, for example, for the medieval viewer, the mutila tion of Harold's corpse will take on a stunning chain of resonances. 88 The Bayeux Tapestry's insistent litany of inscribed names of known persons and places invokes a reality that belongs to the realms of both res gestae (history) and epic. Although the events of the Norman Con quest had already become legendary within living memory of 1066, the Bayeux Tapestry's narrative lays an epic claim to historical truth and the presentation of past acts for enduring memory. In its representation of an heroic ideality, the visual narrative offers elite court audiences on both sides of the Channel an interpretation of history intended to be ex perienced and understood as a memoire collective, capable of defining polit ical and social identity within the present social reality. In its epic guise, the Bayeux Tapestry is designed as a primary form of historical trans mission in which a medieval version of Ranke's notion of national histo ry of an ideal past (Ie passftel qu'i/ eUt dil etre) is elevated and projected onto a mythic screen so that it can be transformed into a system of ideologi cal explanation. 89 25
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY PANEGRYIC Because medieval literary genre can be limited not by a fixed protocol of narrative strategies alone but rather by a horizon of expectations con structed for the reader, paradigmatic shifts and mergers of genre signal paths of new meaning for the same targeted reader. Just as the Bayeux Tapestry's prose form and plain style consciously divert its epic charac ter from "fictive" connotations, the narrative is structured on the model of another important and accessible genre of "literary history," the en comium, or Latin panegyric. Closer than the Carolingian examples usu ally cited, the so-called Encomium Emmae Reginae, written by a Saint-Orner cleric during the reign of Harthacnut (1040-1 ),90 constitutes a singular generic incarnation that not only offers internal and external links be tween England and Normandy in the generation before Hastings, but also reveals compelling rhetorical and ideological parallels with the Bayeux Tapestry. Whereas the work clearly belongs within a genre de fined by its embellishment and hyperbole, the poet nonetheless begins with a rhetorical truth-claim by declaring that, when writing the deeds of anyone man, the author would never run the risk of inserting a fic tion. 91 Commissioned by Queen Emma, sister of Duke Richard II of Nor mandy, first widow of the Anglo-Saxon King lEthelred, then of King Cnut the Dane (d. 1035), the Latin prose work gives a continuous, al most contemporary account intended to promote the legitimacy of her son, Harthacnut, as heir to the English throne. FollOWing his military victory over Harold Harefoot, Emma's son supplanted Cnut's illegitimate older son by his Anglo-Saxon concubine lEJfgyfa. Like Odo's tapestry representation of the Norman Conquest, the panegyric does not locate the personage of its patron at the center of the narrative, but focuses in stead on figures legitimating the royal power upon which he or she de pends. Directed against Edward, Emma's son by lEthelred and then pre tender to the throne?2 the Encomium engages in a series of egregious distortions to construct a moral tale of how an unjustly seized kingdom is restored to its true ruler, a struggle cast in Augustinian terms of the per 26
THE PROBLEMATICS OF GENRE vasor iniustus conquered by the righteous rex iustus. 93 As in the Bayeux Tap estry's account of William's conquest of England, the Encomium's drama tis personae function exclusively within roles narrowly defined by the problematics of the English succession. In contrast to Latin panegyrics aimed at preserving the memory of their subjects for posterity, the En~ c~mjum pursues an openly political agenda in addressing a state of ongo ing crisis.94 As in the Bayeux Tapestry, the centerpiece of the narrative is located in an oath excluding all other pretenders to the throne. 95 Just as the appearance of the comet is treated in the Bayeux Tapestry as a por tent of Harold Godwinson's doom, a similar epic topos appears in the en comium in the guise of a sudden and terrible storm.96 Harold Harefoot dies, and messengers arrive with the news that the English nobles wish Emma's son Harthacnut to take back the kingdom that was his heredi tary right. 97 Like the Bayeux Tapestry, the Encomium Emmae was written with a defensive purpose at a time when it was necessary to fortify a threatened position. It is important to remember that the years immedi ately following 1066 were equally marked by violent unrest and threat of insurrection by an insubordinate, vanquished English population. The ethos of Emma's Encomium represents the foundation of an elitist ideology of a military ruling class that glOried in its battle prowess. The panegyric text both inaugurates and celebrates the ethos of the Norman ducal family that triumphed through predation, expansion, and con quest only twenty-five years later.98 To evoke the full flavor of the situ ation in which Emma lived out her second marriage, as well as its rele vance to the post-Conquest context of the Bayeux Tapestry, it should be pointed out that Cnut the Dane had become English King as the result of a massive and ghastly campaign that culminated in the bloody battle of Ashingdon. As if it were a harbinger of the Anglo-Saxon fate follow ing the Battle of Hastings, the Abingdon Chronicle reports that all the no bility of England were destroyed.99 As Eric John remarks, the Encomium was written for contemporaries in a political crisis that would take an other generation to resolve. 100 Addressed to the last generation in En gland before the Conquest, the encomiast's rhetoric can still be seen to resonate after 1066 in the visual narrative of the Bayeux Tapestry. 27
THE RHETORIC OF POWER IN THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY Closer in date to the Bayeux Tapestry is the Battle ojMaldon, 101 an Old English poem celebrating an important turning point in the reign of A:thelred in which contenders for royal power fight to the death with dignity and honor. Like the Bayeux Tapestry, the story is written as a se ries of vignettes. As David Wilson argues, a prototype for the Bayeux Tap estry can also be seen in the tendency of English heroic poetry to see both sides of the story. Like the Battle oj Maldon, the narrative presents a choice between two courses of action, both wrong but one inevitable Harold's choice between breaking an oath to William or disobeying the command of the dying King Edward. On the post-Conquest side, another Latin panegyric provides a bracketing closure to the generic framing of ado's project by situating the Bayeux Tapestry itself at the center of its narrative. Written between 1099 and 1102 by Baudri of Bourgeuil for Adela, countess of Blois and daughter of William the Conqueror, the Adelae Comitissae describes an imaginary hanging very like the Bayeux Tapestry. Indeed, it has been ar gued that Baudri had probably seen it and edited its narrative to focus on William, filling out details with borrowings from other accounts, such as the Carmen de Hastingae and William of Poitier's Gesta. 102 In construct ing an imaginary work of art associated with the ruler as a vehicle for his praise, Baudri uses a familiar topos belonging to the conventions of earli er Latin panegyric.103 Just as Adela's pleasurable recognition of the Bayeux original in Baudri's literary fabrication formed a critical compo nent of the poem's intended reception, we might imagine the Bayeux Tap estry's audiences experiencing a similar recognition in the troping of the same familiar literary topos, as the entire work of art itself could be con strued as panegyric. Adela's velum was imagined to be more truly a tapestry than the Bayeux version's embroidered representation. The striking contrasts that can be drawn with Baudri's hanging woven of gold, silver, and silk, studded with pearls, and destined for the privacy of the countess's bedroom bring into sharp focus the utilitarian and public character of the Bayeux Tapestry. Baudri's most provocative and radical departure from his pub lic paradigm, however, is his insertion of full-fledged speeches into a nar 28
THE PROBLEMAT!CS OF GENRE rative originally dominated by the enigmatic silences of its protagonists. Although the panegyrist's tapestried I'stories" are like those in the l Bayeux Tapestry, all accompanied by tituli, 104 the oratorical and dialog ic interpolations move his project away from describing a visual narra tive to writing in a purely literary mode. The move takes him from ekphra sis back into the world of the epic geste. In contrast to the Bayeux Tapestryl the main narrative of the Adelae Comitissae begins with the council called by William to gain support for the invasion of Englandl the first of several heroically proportioned speeches that now constitute a major component of the new discourse. Indeed, it can be argued that the first third of the Bayeux Tapestry's nar rative l extending from Harold's mission to Normandy to his coronation following the death of Edwardl has now been recast into the content of William's justifying speech. lOS The text is introduced by a prologue first referring to Duke William's difficulties in establishing and then main taining the power of his duchy in Normandy, followed by a long de scription of the comet in the spring of 1066 and the people's dumb founded reaction to it. Baudri's maneuver allows us to conjecture about the kind of spectator involvement demanded by the Bayeux Tapestry, for the visual narrative is almost meaningless without the voices and speeches imagined by the encomiast. Adela's participation has been rendered totally passive by Baudri's translation of a visual narrative into pure text, now supplied with set speeches and dialogue that not only clarify but interpret the action. In contrastl the Bayeux Tapestryls viewer is virtually pulled into the sto ry. As we shall see, he or she is required to perform a kind of imaginary ventriloquism, animating the mute protagonists into patterns of mean ingful utterance. At each juncture of dialogic silence the viewer is re quired to enter actively the lists of political controversYI to make criti cal choices and decisions l to imagine, construct, and thus endorse resolutions to conflicted issues still festering between partisans of the English and those of the Normans in the tense years following 1066. 29
NOTES 22. Bal and Bryson, "Semiotics and Art History," pp. 206-207; see Bakhtin, The Di alogic Imagination. 23. Bal and Bryson, "Semiotics and Art History," pp. 178-80; Culler, Framing the Sign, p.xiv. 24. For extended arguments on the place of production, see Brooks and Walker, "Authority and Interpretation," pp. 10, 13, 17-18; Bernstein, Mystery, pp. 37 50. 25. See ~ates, "Character and Career," p. 2; Bernstein, Mystery, p. 32; S. A Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry: Why Eustace?" p. 23. 26. See Loyn, Norman Conquest, p. 108. 27. Loyn, Norman Conquest, p. 102; Barlow, Feudal Kingdom, p. 85. 28. Barlow, Feudal Kingdom, p. 117. 29. Gransden, "Propaganda," pp. 363-4. 30. See Bertrand, La Tapisserie, p. 313; Grape, Bayeux Tapestry, p. 78. 31. Bernstein, Mystery, pp. 105, 212, n. 46. The great tower at Chepstow (100 X 40 feet) was clearly large enough to accommodate the Bayeux Tapestry's 232 foot length; J. c. Perks, Chepstow Castle, 2nd ed. (London, 1967). 32. Bernstein, Mystery, p. 107, cites a plausible parallel in the tenth-century Byzan tine Joshua Roll. 33. See ibid., pp. 104-107, fig. 65; Brilliant, "Bayeux Tapestry," p. 99. 34. See Cowdrey, "Towards an Interpretation," pp. 64-8; Grape, Bayeux Tapestry, p. 80. On the itinerant Anglo-Norman courts, see Hollister, Monarchy, p. 24. 35. See Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poetics, pp. 45-6; see also Nichols, "Philology," pp. 1-10. 36. Fiske, Understanding Popular Culture; see also Sponsler, "Culture of the Spectator," pp.28-9. 37. Kermode, "Secrets," p. 88. 38. Ibid., p. 92. CHAPTER 1 1. See Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record, pp. 6-7. 2. See Lepelley, "Contribution," pp. 313-21; Brooks and Walker, "Authority and Interpretation," p. 10; Wilson, Bayeux Tapestry, pp. 203-204. 3. ClanchYt From Memory to Written Record, pp. 18-19, 27; M. Bloch, Feudal Society, pp.75-81. 4. C1anchy, From Memory to Written Record, pp. 224-52. 5. Ibid., p. 206. 6. Ibid., p. 186. 1.36
NOTES
7. See B. H. Smith, On the Margins, p. 7.
8. Augustine, De Magistro 4.8.165.
9. See Gellrich, Discourse and Dominion, pp. 8-10.
10. John of Salisbury, Metalogicon 1.13, p. 32: "Littere autem, id est figure, primo
vocum indices sunt ... et frequenter absentium dicta sine voce loquuntur."
11. Parisse, La Tapisserie, p. 79.
12. Ibid., p. 53; Brilliant, "Bayeux Tapestry," pp. 102, 113.
13. See Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record, pp.
Brilliant, "Bayeux Tap
estry," p. 109.
14. See Chatman, "What Novels Can Do," p. 128.
15. tor the theoretical basis of this and what follows, see Chatman, Story and Dis
course, pp. 146-223; see also Bordwell, Narration in the Fiction Film; Branigan, Nar
rative Comprehension.
16. Favreau, Etudes d'{pigraphie medi{vale, p. 205.
17. As pointed out by Brilliant, "Bayeux Tapestry," pp. 108-109.
18. Quoted by Parisse, La Tapisserie, p. 37.
19. See B. H. Smith, On the Margins, p. 7.
20. See Sturges, Medieval Interpretation, pp. 17-18; B. H. Smith, On the Margins, p. 51.
21. See Chatman, Story and Discourse, p. 64.
22. See S. A. Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry: History of Propaganda?" pp. 24-5. For a
comparative discussion of narrative conventions in contemporary works, see
Brilliant, "Bayeux Tapestry," pp. 103-105.
23. See Kelly, "Interpretation of Genres," pp. 108-109, 112, 122.
24. Culler, Structuralist Poetics, p. 147.
25. See Rosmarin, Power of Genre, pp. 39-41; Fishelov, Metaphors of Genre, p. 10.
26. See Ong, "Orality," p. 1.
27. Vitz, Medieval Narrative, p. 113.
28. Ibid., p. 111.
29. Morse, Truth and Convention, p. 5.
30. Fentress and Wickham, Sodal Memory, pp. 161-3; Zumthor, Toward a Medieval
Poetics, p. 50.
31. Morse, Truth and Convention, p. 6.
32. Ibid., pp. 3,6.
33. Ibid., p. 89.
34. S. A. Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry and the Song of Roland," p. 340.
35. Gransden, Historical Writing, pp. 29-31; Taylor, Use of Medieval Chronides, pp.
3-5.
36. S. A. Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry and the Song of Roland," p. 342.
37. Gransden, Historical Writing, p. 40.
137
NOTES 38. Ibid., p. 94. 39. See M. Bloch, Feudal Society, pp. 88-92. 40. See Morse, Truth and Convention, pp. 231-3. 41. Quoted from Accessus ad auctores by Minnis and Scott, Medieval Literary Theory, p.43. 42. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae 1.44.5: "... for what was seen was recounted without lies (quae enim videntur, sine mendacio proferuntur)." See Beer, Nar rative Conventions, pp. 10,23. 43. See Kellner, "As Real as It Gets," p. 50. 44. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae 1.40-44. ISidore then distinguishes historia from Jabula as the narration of things that have actually taken place as opposed to fictional happenings. See Partner, Serious Entertainments, p. 195. 45. See Morse, Truth and Convention, pp. 6, 86. As Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poet ics, p. 12, obsetved, history does not mean veracity. Historicity is the attribute of that which asks or desires to be believed. 46. Morse, Truth and Convention, pp. 80, 82. 47. Nichols, Romanesque Signs, p. xiii; Morse, Truth and Convention, pp. 5, 17. 48. Morse, Truth and Convention, p. 17. 49. Ibid., p. 87. 50. Ibid., pp. 2-3. 51. These events and their Norman sources are discussed in detail by S. A. Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry, History or Propaganda?" pp. 16-25. 52. William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi 1.22; see Davis, 'William of Poitiers," pp. 71- tOO. See Beer, Narrative Conventions, pp. 14-15,30; Morse, Truth and Conven tion, p. 98. 53. Spiegel, "History," pp. 81-3. 54. Spiegel, "History," pp. 81-2; Morse, Truth and Convention, p. 98, who notes that the ostenSibly superior accuracy of prose had become an accepted topos for the Middle Ages. 55. Matthew of Westminster, The Flowers oj History, /I, p. 418. 56. See Brandt, Shape ojMedieval History, pp. 71, 76. 57. See Jameson, Political Unconscious, pp. 23-41; also Patterson, Negotiating the Past, p.50. 58. See Brandt, Shape oj Medieval History, pp. 79-80. 59. Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poetics, p. 16. 60. Brandt, Shape oj Medieval History, pp. 88-90, 109. 6 t. See Brandt, Shape oj Medieval History, pp. t 30, 138. 62. See Morse, Truth and Convention, p. t06. DB
NOTES

63. Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poetics, p. 90. 64. Ibid., pp. 379-80. 65. Ibid., p. 38. 66. Nichols, Romanesque Signs, pp. xiii, 148. 67. Ibid., p. xiii; Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poetics, p. 382; see also M. Bloch, Feu dal Society, pp. 92-5. 68. See supra, p. 6. 69. Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poetics, p. 5. 70. Van Houts, "Latin Poetry," p. 39; d. Carmen de Hasti'llgae, pp. xxi-xxii, xxvii-xxviii. 71. Van Houts, "Latin Poetry," p. 56. 72. Carmen de Hasti'llgae, vv. 34-7 and p. xxxvi. 73. Dodwell, "Bayeux Tapestry," pp. 549-60; S. A. Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry and the Song of Roland," pp. 339-48. 74. Wace, Le Roman de Rou, lines 13, 149-55; William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, p. 302; see Van Houts, "Latin Poetry," pp. 39, 56. 75. S. A. Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry and the Song of Roland," p. 347; Dodwell, "Bayeux Tapestry," p. 560. Also see Douglas, "Song of Roland," pp. 99-102. 76. Jauss, Toward an Aesthetic of Reception, p. 100. 77. Ibid., pp. 83-7. 78. Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poetics, pp. 129-30. 79. Dodwell, "Bayeux Tapestry," p. 554. 80. See S. A. Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry and the Song of Roland," p. 343; Jauss, To ward an Aesthetic of Reception, p. 5. 81. Nichols, Romanesque Signs, pp. 149, 164. 82. Dodwell, "Bayeux Tapestry," p. 557. 83. Ibid., p. 553; S. A. Brown, "Bayeux Tapestry and the Song of Roland," pp. 341-2. 84. Dodwell, 'The Bayeux Tapestry," p. 558. 85. Erich Auerbach, Typologische Motive in der mittelalterlichen Literatur (Cologne, 1964), p. 61, quoted by Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poetics, p. 13. 86. Zumthor, Toward a Medieval Poctics, p. 65. 87. Ibid., pp. 66-7. 88. See infra, pp. 125-8. 89. For an analysis of the use of fictional strategies in Ranke's historical writing, see Hans Robert Jauss, Question and Answer; Forms of Dialogic Understanding (Min neapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), pp. 28-9, 34-8. 90. Encomium Emmae; see also Morse, Truth and Convention. pp. 127-30.
139
NOTES 91. Encomium Emmae, p. 5; see Morse, Truth and Convention, p, 139. 92, See Korner, Battle of Hastings, p. 68, 93, Ibid" p. 51. 94. John, "Encomium," pp. 61-2. 95. Cnut swears an oath to Emma that he would never set up a son by any other wife to rule after him. 96. Korner, Battle of Hastings, p. 57. 97. Encomium Emmae, pp. 49-51 , 98, See Searle, "Emma the Conqueror," pp. 281-3. 99. John, "Encomium," p, 80. 100. Ibid., p. 94. 101. The Battle of Maldon, ed, D. C. Scragg (Manchester, 1981); The Battle of Maldon, ed. Janet Cooper (London, 1993); Hans Erik Andersen, The Battle of Maldon: Meaning, Dating and Historicity of an Old English Poem; see Wilson, Bayeux Tapestry, p, 203, who discussed the poem's paradigmatic relationship to the Bayeux Tap estry. 102, Brown and Herren, "Adelae Comitissae," p, 72; ct, Brookes and Walker, "Author ity and Interpretation," p, 26. 103. Brown and Herren, HAdelae Comitissae," p. 73. 104, Ibid" p, 58, who quote yy, 233-4: "Porro recenseres titulorum scripta legendo / In velo veras historiasque novas." 105. Brown and Herren, "Adelae Comi/issae," p. 61. CHAPTER 2 1. See Brandt, Shape of Medieval History, pp, 98-9, 103, 2, Parks, "Textualization of Orality," pp, 53-4, 3, Morse, Truth and Convention, pp, 64-6; Beer, Narrative Conventions, p, 41; Sturges,
Medieval Interpretation, p. 5, 4. Morse, Truth and Convention, p. 56, 5, Ibid., p, 73. 6, Quintilian, Institutio Oratio 2.1.10, 2.4, 1-4,4,2.116-20, 7, See Morse, Truth and Convention, p. 60. 8, Ibid., p. 113, 9, T A. Heslop, Review of Wilson, Bayeux Tapestry, in Burlington Magatine 128
(1986), p, 147. 10, See Sturges, Medieval Interpretation, pp, 2-5, 1 I, Ibid" p. 180.
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