NEW URBAN PATTERNS IN THE BRAZILIAN HOUSES OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE BRITISH CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE LOCAL STANDARDS

Tags: Brazil, Rio de Janeiro, the nineteenth century, London, Gilberto Freyre, infrastructure, nineteenth century, Muthesius, Paris, France, Englishmen, neighbourhoods, land economy, country house, public works, Evaldo Cabral de Mello, French Normandy, Barry Parker, Raymond Unwin, Cambridge University Press, Universidade Federal, British influence, Brazilians, Universidade Federal de Vi�sa, nineteenth century architecture, free translation, urban environment, Brazilian cities, BELLUZZO, Connaissance des Arts, urban pattern, Academy of Fine Arts �, conspicuous consumption, British designs, terraced house, F. George Peabody, SOCIETY CONFERENCE, semidetached houses, semi-detached house, semi-detached houses, Stephan Muthesius, The Builder, architecture, detached house, financial investment, Institute of British Architects, Maria Ad�ia de Souza, Victorian Britain, Sophie Cueille, DIXON, DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE, Maisons Laffitte, architectural language
Content: 15th INTERNational Planning HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE NEW URBAN PATTERNS IN THE BRAZILIAN HOUSES OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE BRITISH CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE LOCAL STANDARDS MARIA MARTA DOS SANTOS CAMISASSA Address: Departamento de Arquitetura e Urbanismo; Universidade Federal de Viзosa; Campus Universitбrio; 36570-000 ­ Viзosa, MG, Brazil e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT The re-edition of Gilberto Freyre's Ingleses no Brasil (2000) brings again several scholars in face of a challenge which has remained open since the first edition: to which extent his statements have not yet been taken into account by historians who do not belong to the political or economic sciences? Despite the research carried out by Freyre was concerned almost exclusively to the first half of the nineteenth century, there is no doubt that the Englishmen not only stayed in Brazil longer than that but they also reinforced their positions during the second half of the same century. Besides, there is a lack of consensus among historians in respect to the nineteenth century architecture. At first sight, it seems to exist a gap between the history of Brazilian architecture and that of urbanization when the English presence is undeniable. The Englishmen's role on the process of urbanization in the main Brazilian urban centres of the nineteenth century is still to be unveiled, especially if concerns remain on the adoption of their urban models according to the local land economy of the time. The fast growth of the cities in this corner of the world and the needs for a healthy urban space led many countries to look for new patterns in the European centres and so did Brazilians. These have commissioned British enterprises to build up the needed infrastructure in towns such as Rio de Janeiro who may have carried along new urban patterns for a country which was willing for a new "civilized" image. INTRODUCTION Several references to Englishmen are found in the historiography concerning Brazilian modernization during the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century. To those who are beginners in this history, the Portuguese Royal family settled in Brazil, in 1808, fleeing from Napoleon's troops. This event has established new standards for the new court ambiance: both from the Portuguese point of view as well as for the local hostess. For the Portuguese court, the native environment was too far behind their standards. For local citizens, the Crown's presence was a way to get a step closer to the "civilized" world. According to Maurнcio de Abreu (2008), the nineteenth century novelties brought two different mentalities face to face: an emerging typical capitalist society which had to cope with the old slavery mentality. For Abreu, all of this was responsible for radical changes, at least in the Rio de Janeiro urban area. 1
Cities, nations and regions in planning history Under such circumstances, the opening of Brazilian harbours to "friendly countries", in the same year of 1808, was the opportunity for the British merchant fleets to attract a new, possibly promising customer. For the customers, goods were a way to introduce changes into their way of life. Accordingly, the arrival of British professionals brought many changes into this environment. They were responsible for the large majority of public works, such as the construction of a large railway network, sewage systems and many other services such as gas and electricity, in the main cities of the country. Besides these works, Britain was as important in the process of the modernization in Brazilian cities as in the process of local industrialization. In The Brazilian cotton manufacture, Stanley J Stein (1957) gives an important analysis on the presence of foreigners in Brazil: "[...] Brazilian manufacturers looked to the machine-makers of Great Britain, France and the United States for both equipment and technically trained personnel for installation and maintenance. Perhaps this justifies the characterization of the [Brazilian] industry in 1885 as the product of "foreign invention, foreign workers and foreign engineers". (STEIN, 1957, 35) More specifically in relation to the Englishmen, the same author exemplifies the British hegemony in the ex-Portuguese colony by making comments from Borja Castro`s report on the second national industrial exhibition held in 1866: "[...] Not only did British imports of Brazilian Raw materials appear insignificant beside the value of manufactured goods Britain exported to Brazil, but the trade between the two nations was organized by British entrepreneurs, financed by British capital and carried by British ships. (STEIN, 1957, 13-14) Another author confirms the dependence of the young Brazilian nation on English experts in tracing the history of engineering in Brazil. Commenting on the demand for public works in the main Brazilian capitals, Edmundo Campos Coelho (1999) writes in As profissхes imperiais: "These projects and works of engineering and civil construction of large scale ­ railways, sewage systems, public lights, railway stations, etc. ­ were given to Englishmen and, on a smaller scale, to Americans, the large majority of which do not have academic degrees given the late implementation and the slow expansion of the "scholar culture" in the English and American engineering". (COELHO, 1999, p. 196-7; author's free translation) Concerning the academic systems adopted both in Brazil and in Europe, the author credits the French inspiration to the teaching models in Brazil. Considering that the Escola Central (founded in 1858) and its follower, the Escola Polytйchnica (founded in 1874)1, both in Rio, took the theoretical and rational path of the French model at the Йcole Polytechnique in Paris. For Coelho, this academic conception resulted in Brazilian engineers not being prepared to handle the job at the work site. Instead, they were prepared to be hired by the State or by private companies to supervise and to write work reports. Therefore, all the other practical tasks were under foreign responsibility, having to trust the British expertise. Gilberto Freyre (2000) also shines some light on the same issue concerning the English presence in Brazil, stating, "In a short time, the British commerce 1 See COELHO, pp. 194-7.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE captured with lion's claws the Brazilian market almost entirely, leaving to the Frenchmen and to the North Americans one or two crumbs." (FREYRE, 2000, p. 88; author's free translation). By quoting numerous newspapers advertisements published at that time in Rio de Janeiro, Bahia and Pernambuco, Gilberto Freyre testifies the establishment of numerous Englishmen in the local business, dealing mainly with the wholesale of all sorts of commodities produced in their motherland.2 In doing so, Freyre explains that to the Englishmen, Brazil was "a land [...] worthy of attention"3: "Worthy of attention for being rich in gold, diamonds, woods. And worthy of attention for not having glasses in the houses, for so few houses being equipped with cutlery, for the non-existence of fast carriages, for being so precarious the kitchenware, scarce the domestic items, scarce the tools of artisans, in need of painting on house exteriors". (FREYRE, 2000, p. 167; author's free translation) Many scholars have studied such British hegemony4. Summing up the words of Gilberto Freyre, Richard Graham (1972) states that "[...] even when Paris was the ideal, it was the British who supplied the wherewithal to imitate it". (GRAHAM, 1972, p. 113). Hence, the purpose of this paper is to examine the possibilities of British influence on the designs of new local domestic spaces following the adoption of particular models which might have fit the local trends but which could also have been of British interest. ENGLISH STANDARDS COMPARED TO THE FRENCH MODELS Ana Maria Belluzzo (2008), a Brazilian art historian, looked upon the way the British settled in Brazil, though a temporary dweller, and so stated: "Such as other Europeans in Brazil, the English visitors were groups apart, either in Rio de Janeiro, as in Bahia or in Recife. They lived in "country houses" in the outskirts or in quiet bays, such as the one in Botafogo. They used to take picturesque trails through the woods and waterfalls in Tijuca, climbed the Corcovado." (BELLUZZO, 2008, p. 52; author's free translation) To the local population, British taste was a bit weird for everyday life. Brazilians did not use to live on the fringes of urban centres as it may be 2 Gilberto Freyre analyses the geography of the commerce in the Rio de Janeiro and Recife cities locating the English shops in opposition to the French ones, showing the preferences of the first and the latter as well as the "male" character of the first, which were dealing with the wholesale business of commodities ­ large in size ­ and many times turned towards either to the civil construction or to the machinery field, and the "female" in the latter case, referring to them as retail dealers. See p. 169ff. 3 Gilberto Freyre borrowed this expression from the sayings of Sir George Stauton who made a report after his visit to Rio in 1792 (see FREYRE, 2000, p. 165-8). 4 See MANCHESTER, A K. Preeminкncia inglesa no Brasil. Tranlated by Janaнna Amado. Sгo Paulo: Brasiliense, 1973 (orig. publ. in 1933 as British Preлminence in Brazil) and NEEDELL, J D. Rio de Janeiro at the turn of the century. Modernization and the Parisian Ideal. Journal of Interamerican Studies, v. 25, no. 1, p. 83-103, Feb. 1983. 3
Cities, nations and regions in planning history checked in the paintings and engravings of so many foreigners: they either lived in town or in rural areas5. Many artists made records of the local living standards such as Debret and Rugendas. For the locals, English homes could perhaps be a representation of a "civilized world". The tendency to display a garden by the British people was something that Brazilians started to give attention to, as Belluzzo (2008) states. Brazilians who could afford to travel to Europe would be introduced to these designs on the spot as a visit to France and England ought to be on their schedule. The former had its well-known cultural tradition and the later was obviously a place to conduct business. The picturesque landscape of British designs was also appreciated in France, where geometry had its influence and those who visited these places could be acquainted with them. Figure 1- Anonimous. Paisagem do Rio de Janeiro com Casa Tipicamente Inglesa, s/d, oil on canvas, 34,5 x 51cm. [BELLUZZO, 1994, v. 3, 28]. By the nineteenth century, for the Englishmen, to live in such country houses ­ so-called villas ­ was the up-to-date fashion, especially for the new upper classes. For Dixon and Muthesius (2001): "In early Victorian Britain the landed aristocracy still retained their preeminent social position. The country house was the most important architectural symbol of this pre-eminence. For the newly-monied, or the political adventurer, possession of a country house was the first step towards the high peaks of society. Although the "nouveau riche" businessman could seldom hope full acceptance for himself, he could hope for an aristocratic marriage for his daughter or to establish his son in the landed gentry, with the possibility of a peerage for his grandson". (DIXON; MUTHESIUS, 2001, 30) And so was for the nineteenth century French bourgeoisie. According to Patrick Favardin (1979): "[...] la villa moderne doit avant tout tйmoigner de la culture, de la richesse, de la rйussite de son propriйtaire" (FAVARDIN, 1979, 59). The 5 In Brazil, the "chбcaras" may be quoted in this context, as it is an urban house with a garden where jasmine and roses were compulsory and, certainly, an orchard with a large variety of fruit trees, located not far from the town centre. They are equivalent to the Portuguese "quintas", though not necessarily a rich property. However, in the Brazilian cases, it must be noticed that lawns were mostly unknown for their inhabitants.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE author explains that the success of the French land investments ­ the construction of new real estates in the middle of the country ­ had its start in the early nineteenth century. The aim of these new French neighbourhoods was mainly for pleasure and not for a permanent residence, as the railway network was a fast means of communication.6 The samples of Le Vйsinet and the Maisons Laffitte, built in the nineteenth century in Yvelines, not far from Paris, may confirm this double aim: the interest in enjoying the natural landscape from home and away from the noisy urban centres and the interest in financial investment in real estates or in the new railway transport systems. Confirming the exchange of ideas, Sophie Cueille (2004) says that "[...] la stratйgie de [M. Jacques] Laffitte est inspirйe des modиles de speculation immobiliиre а l'anglaise [...]" (CUEILLE, 2004, [5]).7 The English way of investment was known for the construction and lease of entire housing blocks. Terraced or semidetached houses, along with the infrastructure and many times some of the most important equipment such as schools and even the famous public house known as the "pub", were the usual British investment in building industry8. Conversely, in Paris, from 1853 onwards, the new rules imposed by Haussmann, the Prйfet de la Seine, gave a different scenery to this town. The differences start at the land economy level. The opening of new lands promoted, in Paris as well as in the country, the construction of new neighbourhoods with a number of plots sold one by one to different individuals. The new areas were put together into the old "tissue urbain" where private properties were of unknown age and came in all different shapes and sizes. In this freehold system each owner could do whatever he or she fancied.9 The books by Cиsar Daly and the pages of the Revue gйnйrale de l'architecture et des travaux publics (Paris, 1840-1890) may be one evidence among many others of the Parisian standards of the immeubles. The new investments in the countryside ­ such as the one by Laffitte and the one at Le Vйsinet ­ had particular rules for the buildings. Laffitte was ready to offer designs for new houses to be built in this neighbourhood to keep the idea of a garden suburb avant-la-lettre, as it can be read in Cueille's article. 6 Despite the fact that more research should be done on the spread of English standards in France, especially in places such as the new seaside resorts, there is no doubt that the object of such large investments were under way on both sides of the English Channel. Nowadays, there is a new field for the literature on this matter, especially concerning the advent of the new seashore resorts. On this issue, the publications financed by the French Ministиre de la Culture, such as the Cahiers du patrimoine, are of extreme interest. 7 According to Cueille (2004), the investment in these new neighbourhoods was completed with the financial help for the construction of the villas, for building material, added by the construction of facilities such as the casino, the hypodrome, the tennis court and so on. Many times, the owners offered plans for the individual houses as well so to make sure that the idealized standard would be accomplished. 8 The work of H. J. Dyos is exemplary and well known on the Camberwell's local urban history. See DYOS, H. J. Victorian suburb: a study of the growth of Camberwell. Leicester, 1961. 9 In Paris, many old hфtels inside the Thiers walls of Paris had their lands subdivided in plots becoming a new neighbourhood. On this, see the exhibition L'hфtel particulier. Une ambition parisienne, held at the Citй de l'architecture et du patrimoine (Paris, 20112012) of which the article "Permis de dйmolir", by Valйrie Bougault gives a number of such actions. 5
Cities, nations and regions in planning history Concerning the exchange of architectural features, there are two English characteristics in French nineteenth century architecture that may not be forgotten: first of all, the general use of the bay window.10 Secondly, the French term coined as "la cour anglaise" describes a feature in English architecture.11 Many projects displayed in the current periodicals of the time stand these terms in the hundreds. Another feature may give distinction to both countries if the windows are an issue. If in England sash-windows were the standard12, then this is an important point to consider when the exportation of goods such as glass is an issue. One may wonder which would be the most appropriate window, when the Brazilian environment was under question. The question is thus what has British influence and what is French in this context. IMPERIALISM AND THE BUILDING INDUSTRY There is a large number of notes and news scattered in English periodicals concerning the British works all over the world and Brazil is just one of them. In The Engineer (London, 1856-1941), the work progress ­ be either on bridges constructions or railway networks ­ is covered year after year. News on such achievements were important as a confirmation and reassurance of the incoming revenues for the shares of this or that company and their investments. Concerning the relationship between Britain and Brazil, the British engineers [and architects, in this case] were so confident of their role in the local economy that the participation in a competition held as early as 1859 (!) for the 10 The "bay window" English expression is used in French, as there is no other French word to describe this kind of window. 11 The "cour anglaise" means the entrance to the lower floors through a narrow court where an open air staircase is placed, usually for the kitchen and other services of the building. 12 Just as an speculative issue, the search for canonical buildings from the Renascence onwards brings one to the following certitudes. They are visible in most pictures printed in the historian's compendiums. There is no doubt that even in the most famous buildings both in France as in Britain the local tradition is widely known. In the latter, the sashwindows are found almost everywhere. From Inigo Jones' Banqueting House (Whitehall, 1620c.), the Queen's House in Greenwich and the Royal Hospital, in Chelsea/London, as well as at Hampton Court Palace (1690c.) by Sir Christopher Wren. Sir John Soane's house in Lincoln's Inn Fields is another example. Georgian architecture had also made a wide use of the sashed-windows making out of it a national feature. There is no doubt: the sashed-windows are the rule in England. In France, the well-known "Petit Trianon" (1760c.) by Ange-Jacques Gabriel has high windows on the main floor, visibly with what is called "French windows", i.e., glazed windows opening towards the interior with optional shutters outside. Most of the hфtels particuliers displays many samples of the French windows. The Concise Oxford English Dictionary (1989) is clear on this point: a "French window" is a "glazed door in outside wall, serving as window and door" (French~window, p. 393). Thus the windows in France follow in general the same design: in most of the houses (or flats) they open towards the interiors and indeed they are appropriated for balconies and verandahs which may also be found in British architecture especially when they are in balconies.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE Rio de Janeiro theatre may be mentioned13. The results (fig. 2) of their participation were published in the widely known periodical The Builder (London, 1842-1966) with a note of disappointment for the second prize, as a local architect was the winner though never built as such. Figure 2 - Green and de Ville, archtcs. (British, ?-?), 2nd prize. The Rio de Janeiro Theatre, unbuilt, 1859, competition. [The Builder. London, p. 681, Oct. 15 1859]. These are thus some of the premises that may open a new approach to the research on the English influences in Brazilian architecture, particularly between the middle of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century. For Dixon and Muthesius, "the [British] railways acted as a unifying force in the country, ironing out regional differences and altering patterns of settlement" (DIXON; MUTHESIUS, 2001, p. 8). If their goods were exported to most parts of Europe, America, Africa and Asia, the "ironing out" effect could be considered to a large span. The opening of the Brazilian ports in nineteenth century, particularly to the British nation, obviously resulted in the opening to such new standards. LAND ECONOMY AND ENGLISH DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Confirming the British way to deal with land economy, Dixon and Muthesius (2001) state that "Terrace and semi-detached houses are by far the largest group of any Victorian building type, and, more than any other, they determine the character of Victorian cities" (DIXON; MUTHESIUS, 2001, p. 36). For these authors, the land speculator was "well established" in the nineteenth century Britain. They built either for the higher classes as well as for the lower 13 The final competition was in the early 1900, when new works were on the way by the mayor Pereira Passos who brought in the Haussmann's models to the centre of Rio de Janeiro. On this subject, many research works have been carried of which ABREU (2008) and PINHEIRO (2002) are some of them. 7
Cities, nations and regions in planning history ones, labelling their business in the latter case as philanthropy14. Under these wings, George Peabody15 played an especial role on the building of homes for the lower classes in London and many other places. Concerning the English point of view, if one takes ­ say, at random ­ a magazine dedicated to the building industry published in the last quarter of the nineteenth century one may easily find articles with the title "House in flats" or "Parisian residences". The debate concerns the reasons why English people were so unwilling to accept the Parisian way of living in flats. In one of these articles, the author says: "As a rule Paris lives in a flat, London in a house of its own" (WHITE, 1873, p. 168) adding that: "It is likely that a Parisian architect would consider Victoria Street, and even the magnificent blocks of building on the Marquis of Westminster's estate, as so many gigantic failure in which space has been wasted as much as convenience has been overlooked". (WHITE, 1873, 168) It seems that the author (and many others on the same subject, including whole editorials) was arguing that the building of apartments could bring more [financial] benefits than the English patterns, both to the dweller and to the local land economic system. Parallel to this, an editorial published in the same year is entitled "A Londoner's country house". This article characterizes the Englishman's choices for their own dwellings: "[...] at the one end, [one could have] the suburban house which is almost identical to a town house and, at the other, the country house which is in its completeness the abode of a family who never leave the country at all" (The Architect, Oct. 18, 1873). The town house and the suburban house on this side of the Channel was then a terraced house or a semi-detached house and the country house was a detached house in its own property. It is again Stephan Muthesius (1974) who gives a concise description of the house: "The plan of the nineteenth century terraced house is basically that of the standard Georgian house, two rooms deep, one room plus a corridor and a staircase wide" (MUTHESIUS, 1974, p. 93). In this case, any increase in area would be either downwards or upwards or, maybe, a room in the backyard narrow enough to not fade the natural light in the backrooms16. In this way, entire blocks of terraced houses or semidetached houses were built as new lease investments giving such a recognizable urban landscape to England. Thus, there is no doubt for those who browse the nineteenth century British and French periodicals that the subject of the dwelling was a top rank one. French magazines ­ either the well-known Revue gйnйrale de l'architecture et des 14 Such "philanthropic" actions were usually rated at 5-6% p.a., as the study by J Tarn (1973) may confirm. 15 On this matter, see PARKER, F. George Peabody, 1795-1869, founder of modern philanthropy. Nashville, Tenn.: George Peabody College for teachers, 1955. 16 It means that the designs had to be at the same time simple and ingenious for each square inch had to be carefully studied. On these designs, the English periodical The Illustrated Carpenter and Builder (London, 1877-1902) was directed to the average builder where detailed drawings of each element as well as the plans for housing are massively depicted. It is noticeable that this periodical was directed to the average builder and not to engineers and/or architects. Thus, drawings concerning wood and iron elements of a building are carefully drawn so to instruct this class of professionals of the latest achievements in this field.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE travaux publics, the L'Architecture Usuelle or the L'Architecture ­ followed the same line. The number of samples printed in these pages is huge. However, housing patterns were few. On this issue, Muthesius (1974) stated that: "To foreign observers [i.e., for non-English people], especially from those countries where most people live in flats [i.e., Central European people] this type [i.e., the terraced house] always seemed peculiarly English and in most aspects a "vastly superior" way of living". (MUTHESIUS, 1974, 93) There is no doubt that this was a period when Eclecticism gave pass to all sort of influences ­ at the beginning, foreign ones, and later, either of foreigner origins or not.17 But this paper is not interested in the building's stylistic language. The aim is to bring some light to the housing standards either from the land economy's point of view or from the use of the plot for dwelling purposes. ARCHITECTURAL PRACTICE IN NINETEENTH CENTURY BRAZIL The re-edition of Gilberto Freyre's Ingleses no Brasil18 (2000) brings again several scholars in face of a challenge which has remained open since the first edition: to which extent his statements have not yet been taken into account by architectural historians? Despite the fact that the research carried out by Freyre was concerned almost exclusively to the first half of the nineteenth century, there is no doubt that the Englishmen not only stayed in Brazil longer than that but they also reinforced their positions during the second half of the same century. It refers to a period in which the architectural profession was beginning to be in evidence and the academic formation was beginning to give its first harvests in Brazil since the arrival in Rio of the French Artistic Mission in 1816. By the 1880's, the Republican movement promoted an intense process of urbanization at the end of the nineteenth century. In order to understand the local environment, the engravings of any Brazilian urban neighbourhood made in the nineteenth century gives a glance of the current architectural typologies, so called "oitocentistas", yet in a colonial aspect. For Vauthier (1853) "Aussi qui a vu une maison brйsilienne les a 17 In Brazil, the interest in the traditional architecture was developed by the Portuguese Ricardo Severo in the 1910's who started to show the very qualities of the colonial architecture, either as a lecturer or as an engineer. In this trend, Lъcio Costa participated in what was called the "neocolonial style" soon after his graduation. On this matter, there are many sources nowadays but Yves BRUAND (1981) and Hugo SEGAWA (1999) are already a starting point for further readings. 18 The first edition of Ingleses no Brasil came out in 1948 in Rio de Janeiro as part of the collection Documentos Brasileiros (vol. 58), by the Josй Olympio editorship. The second edition came out in 1977, organized by the Livraria Josй Olympio and the Instituto Nacional do Livro to which the author added a note to this second one. The third, which will be used to the purposes of this project, came out in 2000, by the Topbooks edition as part of the collection Gilbertiana. This book, differently from many other works by the same author, has not been translated to other languages, not even to English, and it still remains today as a material with great potential to be explored. 9
Cities, nations and regions in planning history presque toutes vues" (VAUTHIER, 1853, col. 125).19 From his illustrated article, there is no doubt that the narrow, whitewashed faзades, the visible wooden structure (both for the building itself and for the windows and doors) many times painted in oil, the ceramic tiled roofs falling on one side towards the streets and the other towards the backyard ­ all these remained nearly untouched from colonial times until the mid-nineteenth century. The adoption of a neoclassic language ­ brought to Brazil by the French Mission through the establishment of the local Academy of Fine Arts ­ had to wait for the (rather occasional) official commissions. It means that from a wide range of volumes, roofs, windows and balconies, they looked almost the same no matter if they were in Rio, in Salvador or Recife, in the northeast coast or in the hinterlands such as Ouro Preto. From the midnineteenth century onwards, the introduction of new materials, of new labour force, and the new expectations all made a difference to the old colonial aspect. For instance, the use of glazed windows (either in the sashed-way or the French one for the balconies' openings) must be accounted for. The roofs could not be easily seen from the street anymore: the faзades were much more elaborated with high walls from bottom to top where the owner's [or the builder's] imagery could play a role. One could make the use of classic elements such as the deceitful columns, gables and pediments over the doors and windows or it could take the idea of a traditional house from the French Normandy or the Tudor style20. But, from the detail of a choice of a window typology to the architectural language there is a long way to go. Accordingly, the construction of a modern and huge infrastructure as a response to the high level of urbanization had as a consequence the English presence whose influence may be undeniable. According to Dixon and Muthesius (2001), it was the individual private practice that was the rule in Britain for those professionals in the building industry, recalling that the Institute of British Architects was founded as early as 1834 and became "royal" in 1837, i.e. in the same year that Queen Victoria was crowned. But it was much later that architects finally halted a dispute with builders, surveyors and engineers after the RIBA decided for professional examinations in 1892 (DIXON; MUTHESIUS, 2001, 11). Until then, the practice was independent from the academic formation in Britain when one could establish himself after gaining practice from working with others that were already established in the market. 19 On this subject, the articles divided into four parts written by the French engineer ­ Louis-Lйger Vauthier ­ for Cйsar Daly, and published in the Revue Gйnйrale de l'Architecture et des Travaux Publics, is an obligatory reference. Vauthier who was living in Recife (Pernambuco) in the 1840's or 1850's could easily describe the local standards for housing from a foreigner's point of view. 20 It must be said though that by this time the number of immigrants coming into the country started to rise from the last two decades of the nineteenth century onwards as a result of the Brazilian Republican politics. These were mainly of Italian, Spanish and Portuguese origins. It must also be said that it was due to the British influence that the slavery system came to a halt in 1888 after many rules were established under the Portuguese Empire reign (1808-1889). So the immigrants were to substitute the local labour force formerly due to the slaves for a more specialized working class contingent more appropriated to a capitalist and democratic system.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE The Englishmen's role on the process of urbanization in the main Brazilian urban centres of the nineteenth century had obviously carried such mentality. But their influence abroad is still to be unveiled, especially if there are concerns on the adoption of the urban patterns from their homeland. As an evidence, the fast growth of the cities and the needs for a healthy urban space led many countries to look for new patterns in European centres. However, the land economy in each part of the world has its own history. The freehold land economy had been established in Brazil as late as 1850 by the so-called "Lei de Terras". From then on, it became a matter of private or public ownership. Until then, Brazilian territory was dependent on the Portuguese Crown distributed either in the "sesmarias" old system or the ownership (so-called "patrimфnio") by religious orders.21 Therefore, the new trends in English and French housing standards could hence serve as models for Brazilians depending on its adequacy to the local ideals. If France ­ i.e., the Parisian immeubles ­ was the choice, the local living standards would change completely. In a report given by Maria Adйlia De Souza (1998), the growth of Sгo Paulo is an interesting one: "Le "Palacete Riachuelo", un des premiers immeubles destines а l'habitation, projetй en 1925 [...] et inaugurй en 1932 [...] commence une revolution dans la faзon d'habiter la ville de Sгo Paulo" (SOUZA, 1998, 44-45). In the same line, Nбdia Somekh (1997) states that Brazilians started to live in flats no earlier than the late 1920's. So, in the fastest growing Brazilian city at the turn of the century, i.e. Sгo Paulo, it was not before the 1930's that local inhabitants started to live in flats. Thus, if British companies were responsible for the construction of the infrastructure of such a town, their own interests in the building of tramways, water supplies, electricity and gas supplies, would naturally be concerned with the standards of living and the local land economy system.22 If one takes into account Muthesius's (1974) consideration that "the small suburban detached house with its own garden is a peculiarly English ideal" (MUTHESIUS, 1974, p. 47) then the obvious urban pattern to be argued by the British companies in the Brazilian works would be the suburban detached house or the terraced houses for lower classes. One single example may confirm this preference (see fig. 3): even if the plot was in the old fashion shape, that of an oblong with a very narrow faзade towards the street, the house would fit the plot in the detached manner occupying the middle of it leaving only narrow passages on each side. To use the English expression, the house was then a selfcontained one. All the rooms were displayed in two storeys, with the bedrooms upstairs and the (with)drawing-room in the front of the ground floor and the 21 The work of professor Fania Fridman (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro) is one which is important to mention in this context. In her studies on the land distribution to the religious orders by the Portuguese crown, she points out many interesting issues concerning land speculation within Rio's urban centre. 22 The commission of the needed infrastructure in Brazil made to British enterprises may have carried along new urban patterns for a country which was willing for a new "civilized" image. One late event which may fall under these circumstances is the new land investment in Sгo Paulo for the so-called "Jardins" of which is an evidence. On this matter, the work of Sylvia Wolff (2001) must be mentioned. The influence of such enterprises when no less than Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker themselves were brought to design such plans. 1 1
Cities, nations and regions in planning history services in the backrooms. Occasionally, a billiard-room was also included, usually in the basement. It thus confirms what Posener (1965) said of English architecture: "functionalism begins in England". Figure 3 - Projecto de prйdio a construir para o Exmo. Sr. Dr. Motta Maia; constr. Josй da Silva Cardozo, 1907; Rua Paissandu, no. 1; Rio de Janeiro, Flamengo. [Arquivo Geral da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, Setor de Documentaзгo Escrita] Some other examples concerning the semi-detached houses or the terraced houses may be identified in the figure no. 4. In this map of the Flamengo neighbourhood, one may find an endless number of samples of these housing patterns. Many groups of terraced houses, called "vilas" or "avenidas", are found. This neighbourhood had its growth exactly at the time when new tram lines and infrastructure were being built. It was also a time when sports were starting to be of local interest and the nearby long stretch of beach was something to be included in the packet. The Fluminense Football Club (so it was named) was built not far from this area in the very beginning of the twentieth century. Interestingly enough is the fact that this area was formerly occupied by that kind of country houses usually inhabited by foreigners, Englishmen particularly. Figure 4 - Flamengo neighbourhood; Rio de Janeiro, Flamengo, 1935. [Instituto Pereira Passos, Rio de Janeiro, mapas digitalizados] FINAL CONSIDERATIONS If for Graham (1972) the importation of British-made consumer goods cannot be considered an especially constructive assistance towards modernization, it was also part of that larger process that brought Brazil out of its sleepy colonial past
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE into a world characterized by steadily growing wants, status seeking, and conspicuous consumption (GRAHAM, 1972, p. 124). Thus the influence of Britain may then be explained at least when the issue is urban growth. It implies not only elementary, modern services distribution. It implies also in the discussion of the size of the plot, its use for housing purposes, the relationship of the plots (and its contents) with the street. From then on, the construction of terraced houses or semi-detached houses became a new investment source also for Brazilians. In many places, such as in the new neighbourhood of Flamengo, a first step towards the occupation of the seashore as a new suburb featured such urban pattern. New investigation should be done on this process of urban growth in the main Brazilian cities of the time so to compare the rules found in the contracts for such investments and its out-comings with the local models of housing and the means of land speculation. The changes that may be seen in the urban environment have brought new ideals of a "comfortable" house for Brazilians. The way in which the house was displayed in the plot, the relationship with the neighbours and rooms for new leisure activities to which the average family could dedicate part of their time became a commonplace pattern. At the end, Brazilians did not only buy the British goods but they also put in practice a new way of life that could be seen in their homes. The local domestic architecture that could seem too poor to the nineteenth century European visitor steadily became what was then called a civilized standard in a neat new house full of foreign objects, mostly from Britain. REFERENCES A LONDONER's country house. The Architect. Londres, p. 1, Oct. 18, 1873. ABREU, M de A. A evoluзгo urbana do Rio de Janeiro. 4. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Municipal de Urbanismo Pereira Passos/IPP, 2008. BELLUZZO, A. M. O Brasil dos Viajantes. Sгo Paulo/Salvador: Metalivros/Fundaзгo Emнlio Odebrecht, 1994. 3v. BELLUZZO, A M. "O viajante e a paisagem brasileira". Revista Porto Arte; Revista de Artes Visuais. Porto Alegre, Vol. 15, No. 25, November 2008, 41-57. In http://seer.ufrgs.br/PortoArte/article/view/10514, seen on 30.nov.2011. BOUGAULT, V. "Permis de dйmolir". Connaissance des Arts. Paris, Hors-de-sйrie No. 506, 2011, 60-65. BRUAND, Y. Arquitetura contemporвnea no Brasil. Sгo Paulo: Perspectiva, 1981. COELHO, E. C. As profissхes imperiais. Medicina, Engenharia e Advocacia no Rio de Janeiro. 1822-1930. Rio de Janeiro/Sгo Paulo: Record, 1999. CUEILLE, S. "Les strategies des investisseurs: des bords de ville aux bords de mer". In situ revue des Patrimoines. March 2004. In http://www.insitu.culture.fr/article.xsp?numero=4&id_article=d6711&qid=sdx_q0, seen on 09.dez.2005. 1 3
Cities, nations and regions in planning history DIXON, R; MUTHESIUS, S. Victorian architecture. 2. ed. reimpr. London: Thames and Hudson, 2001. FAVARDIN, P. "La villa ou l'avиnement d'um nouveau mode d'habitation". Monuments Historiques. Paris, No. 102, April 1979, 57-60. FREYRE, G. Ingleses no Brasil. Aspectos da influкncia britвnica sobre a vida, a paisagem e a cultura do Brasil. 3. ed. Pref. by Evaldo Cabral de Mello. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 2000. GRAHAM, R. Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil: 1850-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972. MUTHESIUS, S. "A re-appraisal of late Victorian and Edwardian housing". Architectural Review. London, Vol. 166, No. 990, 1974, 93-97. PINHEIRO, E. P. Europa, Franзa e Bahia. Difusгo e adaptaзгo de modelos urbanos (Paris, Rio e Salvador). Salvador: EDUFBA, 2002. POSENER, J. "Il funzionalismo comincia in Inghilterra". Edilizia Moderna. Milano, No. 86, 1965, 54-64. SEGAWA, H. M. Arquiteturas no Brasil: 1900-1990. Sгo Paulo: EDUSP, 1997. SOMEKH, N. A cidade vertical e o urbanismo modernizador. Sгo Paulo: Studio Nobel/EDUSP/FAPESP, 1997. STEIN, S. J. The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture. Textile Enterprise in an Underveloped Area, 1850-1950. Cambridge, MAss.:Harvard University Press, 1957. TARN, J N. Five per cent philanthropy; an account of housing in urban areas between 1840 and 1914. [London]: Cambridge University Press, 1973. THE CONCISE Oxford Dictionary. 7. ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982. VAUTHIER, L.-L. "Des maisons d'Habitation au Brйsil". Revue Gйnйrale de l'Architecture et des Travaux Publics. Paris, Vol. 3, 1853, col. 118-131. WHITE, W. H. "Parisian residences". The Architect. London, October 4, 1873, 168-169. WOLFF, S. F. S. Jardim Amйrica. O primeiro bairro-jardim de Sгo Paulo e sua arquitetura. Sгo Paulo: Imprensa Oficial, EDUSP/FAPESP, 2001.

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