Social Impacts of Non-Renewable Resource Development on Indigenous communities in Alaska, Greenland and Russia

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Content: Social Impacts of Non-Renewable Resource Development on Indigenous communities in Alaska, Greenland and Russia Peter Schweitzer, Florian Stammler, Cecilie Ebsen, Aytalina Ivanova and Irina Litvina GAP ANALYSIS REPORT #2A
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Social Impacts of Non-Renewable Resource Development on Indigenous communities in Alaska, Greenland, and Russia1 ______________________________________________________________ Peter Schweitzer, Florian Stammler, Cecilie Ebsen, Aytalina Ivanova, and Irina Litvina
In July 2009, a public meeting was held in the village of Kivalina, Alaska. It was an opportunity for community members to voice their opinions and concerns regarding the Red Dog Mine's development plans and especially the mine's new waste management permit. Community members were concerned about the mine's impacts on their land, their health, and their community as a whole. A female community member said the following: "For the health and safety of our people and our subsistence way of life, our concerns should be heard and taken seriously, taken into considering very seriously, for the benefit of our future generations to come" (public comments 2009:19). A couple days later a corresponding meeting was held in Kotzebue. A male community member stated: "I've always liked working in mine companies, you know. I worked for a mining company in Nome in the '50s and I worked for a mining company in Deering (...) I got along real well with most of them. One of the reasons why Deering ­ it's one of the only villages in the region that don't speak Inupiaq because of the influence we have. We talk English all the time because of the mining. (...) Because of the fact that we were influenced by these people, you know, we figured out something better than what we're doing. Consequently, they lost a lot of us for a while, a lot of our ­ at that time, we didn't have high schools in our villages" (Public Comments 2009:2122). These statements are indicators of how resource development projects have shaped and are shaping Indigenous communities and Indigenous ways of life. They show that it is of high priority for community members to protect a subsistence lifestyle; that values are changing because of resource development projects; and that people are migrating from rural areas to pursue education, jobs and new lives because of resource development. Arctic Indigenous people are communicating with resource development industries and governments to maintain a voice in the debate about how to develop and how it might impact community sustainability, culture and health (Nuttall 2010:14). Impacts of resource development are often explored through socio-economic measurements of population influx and outflux, community involvement, previous impact events, occupational
1 This chapter was prepared by two different teams of authors over a span of almost four years. Cecilie Ebsen at UAF (under the supervision of Peter Schweitzer) conducted an initial literature review regarding Alaska and Greenland in 2012 and 2013, while Irina Litvina did a similar review for Russia at the Arctic Centre in Rovaniemi under the supervision of Florian Stammler. Aytalina Ivanova and Stammler updated and completed the Russian part in 2016, while Schweitzer was responsible for the final edit.
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composition, local benefits, presence of outside agency, and mitigation measures (Burdge et al. 1988:43). What are missing from such explorations are cultural impacts of resource development. These are important to take into account, posing questions such as: what are the cultural values of the community and how are these affected? What cultural traditions will change and how? How are economy and culture interconnected? How can impacts be identified and measured without knowledge of the cultural context of the community? The following analysis was conducted on the basis of available and relevant scholarly publications in English, Russian, and Danish. Besides presenting the main western scholarship on the topic, we paid particular attention to sources in Russian that are influential domestically, but would usually hardly be known beyond the immediate field of experts in the country who make decisions and research on Indigenous peoples and the extractive industries. Temporally the analysis will focus on impacts of resource development from the 1970s to the present in the Alaskan and Greenlandic cases, and on post-Soviet developments regarding Russia. Data on impacts of resource development on Indigenous communities is primarily found in "grey literature" such as Environmental Impact Statements and Social impact assessments (EIS, SIA). Data can also be found in academic and governmental reports and analyses. Transcripts and summaries of public meetings are also a source of data. A small amount of data has been retrieved from newspaper articles. The remainder of the chapter is organized in the following way. First, a short presentation of the three regional contexts will be provided. Second, an overview over the Alaskan and Greenlandic specifics will proceed along the lines of three topics: i) formal and informal economic impacts, ii) subsistence and cultural values, and iii) human mobility. The Russian specifics will be presented under the following three sub-headings: i) ethnic demography, health and socio-economic issues, ii) processes in Indigenous cultures and traditional economies, and iii) Indigenous adaptations and future scenarios. The final section of the chapter will bring the different regional contexts together again, to provide overall conclusions and identify research gaps for individual regions and beyond. Regional Contexts: Alaska, Greenland, and Russia Mining has been a part of Alaska's history since the 1800s while oil was discovered in the 1960s and drilling began on the North Slope in 1971. The contemporary Alaska we are concerned with is about much more than the white male miner from the south looking for gold. 710,231 people lived in Alaska in 2010 and approximately 104,871 of these are Alaska Native/American Indian (Laborstats.alaska.gov 2010). There are more than 220 Indigenous communities in Alaska all relying to some extent on subsistence from the land for their livelihoods. Most villages were established where traditional subsistence camps once were as schools and churches were built and children were required to attend school (McClintock 2009:120-121). Development of natural resources often takes place in remote areas of Alaska on land that Alaska Natives own, use for hunting and fishing, and consider as part of their cultural heritage. In 1971 the Alaska Native Claim Settlement Act (ANCSA) was passed awarding Alaska natives 44 million acres of land and 962.5 million for giving up claims to the rest (Hensley 2009:159). Greenland has seen mining activities since the early 1900s (Haley et al. 2011:48). Approximately 56,500 people live in Greenland and of these 50.000 are born in Greenland (Nanoq 2012). It is difficult to
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estimate how many people are Greenlandic and what that really means as Greenlanders and Danes have mixed blood since the beginning of the 1700 Danish colonization of Greenland (Thisted 2011:614). Greenlanders have been forced to speak Danish instead of Greenlandic and so language is not an accurate measure for ethnicity. Furthermore, Danes who have been born and raised in Greenland identify as Greenlandic even though they often do not feel like they have the right to do so (Thisted 2011:615). At the same time the term Indigenous is not used as a political tool in Greenland as it is in Alaska where Indigenous people do not have autonomy. Therefore, the need to define who is Greenlandic and who is not is not as urgent. There are 17 villages/settlements in Greenland, all of which are predominantly Indigenous. A great part of Greenland's modern history cannot be understood without mentioning that Denmark colonized Greenland from 1721 to 1953. In 1953 Greenland was accepted as part of the Danish kingdom but special conditions continued to keep Greenland in a subordinate position (Thisted 2005). In 1979 Greenland was granted home rule giving Greenlanders more power to make independent decisions about their country and in 2009 Greenland was given self-government. Selfgovernment is an important step towards Greenland becoming independent but they continue to rely on annual subsidies from Denmark. One way to become economically independent is to develop the natural resource industry in Greenland, which is why there has recently been a boom in resource development (Haley et al. 2011:56-57). Alaska Natives and Greenlanders have gone from being nomadic to settlers, from hunters to businessmen, from wearing skin clothing to wearing industrial produced clothing, and from eating off the land to, at least partly, eating store-bought foods (Kruse 2011:10). Over the past 60 years Arctic Indigenous people have undergone tremendous changes affecting their cultures and Social Organization, but a great threat to their lifestyle still remain: resource development. The Russian Arctic is a strategically important region which produces about a half of the country's energy resources - oil and gas, creating 12-15% of country's GDP, which accounts for more than a quarter of all Russia's export. In the economic structure of the Russian Arctic gas is the most important industry (estimated more than 80% of Russian gas), second to mining, which is primarily focused of non-ferrous metals, for example the copper-nickel industry of Norilsk in North Central Siberia. The Arctic zone also produces most of the Russian diamonds, 100% of antimony, apatite, phlogopite, vermiculite, barite, rare metals, and more than 95% of platinum, nickel, cobalt and 60% of copper. Moreover, fishery is also very important, counting for more than a third of Russian fishing and about 20% of country's canned fish production. The total value of mineral resources in the Arctic exceeds 30 trillion US$. Two-thirds of this amount belongs to the revenues from fuel and energy resources. While this contribution refers to examples all over the Russian Arctic, there is a particular emphasis on the West Siberian oil and gas province. This is because many of the social impacts and developments in the field of Indigenous peoples and extractive industries can be best studied there, or only studied there. The reason is the geographical and cultural setting in which extractive industries have developed within this region: within the Russian Arctic. Only in Yamal and the Khanty-Mansi areas of West Siberia have Indigenous livelihoods continued to thrive in direct coexistence with the industry. Nenets and Khanty reindeer pastures and hunting and fishing grounds are literally directly on the oil and gas deposits. Correspondingly, there is a long history of interaction between two users of the same land. In other Russian Arctic areas the two groups have often less contact or are spatially further apart. In the Northwest of Russia, the mining industry in Murmansk region has basically pushed back the Sami Indigenous people from much of their traditional areas so that reindeer herding in the region is practiced
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only on the Kola Peninsula, further away from the mines. The majority of the Sami were induced or forced to resettle throughout the 20th century (Allemann 2013; Wheelersburg and Gutsol 2010). Just west of the Ural Mountains, the European Nenets and Komi also herd their reindeer in direct vicinity of the oil industry, but on a smaller scale than in neighboring Yamal. We shall refer to some research from there (Habeck 2002; Stuvшy 2011; Wilson 2016; Stammler & Ivanova 2016). In Taimyr, the large scale mining industry (Norilsk Nickel) is concentrated around one big city, where reindeer herding is not practiced any more, and Nganasan and Dolgans engage more in hunting (Ziker 2002; Klokov 1997). In Yakutiya, mining, oil and gas extraction happens in places where reindeer herding is practiced on a much smaller scale than in West Siberia. There, most of the contacts between Indigenous people and industry evolve around discussions of infrastructure projects (electric lines, railroads, pipelines (Ivanova 2007; Fondahl & Sirina 2006; Yakovleva 2014). Specifics of the Alaskan and Greenlandic Situations A. Formal and informal economic impacts As noted in the introduction, the consideration of social impacts of extractive resource development was heavily influenced by developments in both Alaska and the Canadian North. The Alaska pipeline and the debate on the Mackenzie Valley pipeline played a major role in institutionalizing the consideration of these impacts in what are now called social impact assessments (Burdge et al. 1988). Chapter 4 of this volume describes how these SIA are integrated in the varying versions of Environmental Impact Assessments. What is notable is the emphasis on economic impacts. Formal economic impacts of resource development have been researched extensively focusing on consequences for a state/country as a whole and for local communities. Economic impacts are often the most obvious and most attractive impacts of development and as such a large body of literature focuses on them. rural communities are often investigated through a rural-urban continuum, where development towards urban/modern living standards is interpreted as positive and desirable (Burdge et al. 1988:37). The urban economic model has become the standardized measure for prosperity, which a small community can reach with the help of an economic boost. Literature on formal economic impacts of resource development was analyzed in order to show the kind of research that has been done in impacts of resource development. In literature from Alaska, the many benefits of resource development are emphasized and the continued development of mines, oil extraction and industrial fisheries are argued in favor of (Baring-Gould and Bennett 1975; Colt and Schwoerer 2010; Goldsmith 2008; Huskey and Nebesky 1979, McDowell Group 2002, 2011, 2012; Rogers 2006; Trenholm 2012; Vining 1974). SIAs prepared for resource development contractors are showing how the mining and oil industries will provide new and more jobs, higher average salaries, and through taxes contribute to local economies (Baring-Gould and Bennett 1975; McDowell Group 2002, 2011, 2012; Rogers 2006; Trenholm 2012). It is emphasized how resource development will be a way for communities to develop and make way for new opportunities. In 1974, Aidan Vining wrote that for the state the only "ideal impact" of the development of the pipeline was an increase in employment opportunities (Vining 1974:3). Employment is emphasized in all SIAs; listing how many direct and indirect jobs a development will create and what kind of wages they will have (Colt and Schwoerer 2010; Goldsmith 2008; McDowell Group 2002, 2011, 2012). These reports and analyses do not consider how the informal economies of rural Alaska are being affected by development and how that relates to their overall economies. Subsistence is investigated in terms of access to, abundance of, and quality of (Rogers 2006), but not as an economic factor. Resource development is primarily estimated in terms of economic, and monetary values because this is expected to be the main reason why a local community might accept and promote resource development (Haley et al 2011:57).
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Some assessments mention the negative economic impacts of resource development. These are explained in terms of damages to the natural environment that will lead to deteriorating health and social relations that again will affect the local economies and workforces. An example is the following: "In regions of the world where mining has occurred, the magnitude of impacts from mining activities has, in many cases, been profound. The impacts have included altered landscapes, extremely low soil and water pH, changes in slope of land and rates of erosion, abandoned tailings piles, alterations in groundwater regimes, contaminated soils and water, and significant changes in plant communities. These, in turn, have led to impacts to fish and wildlife populations, changes in river regimes, land no longer useable due to contamination or loss of soil, high levels of contaminants in milk of domestic animals that graze in areas where mining activities occurred, Air Pollution from dust or toxic gases, surface subsidence and landslides" (Rothe 2006:4). Impacts on the natural environment will affect local economies especially as these are heavily dependent on subsistence harvesting. There is limited evidence, however, that resource development can have positive impacts on the amount of subsistence activities (for the Alaskan North Slope, see various publications by Kruse and Haley, as well as Schweitzer et al. 2014). In a variety of older reports, subsistence harvesting had not been considered an economic system, which might have resulted in downplaying the impacts of resource extraction on it. A single report compares the economic value of a wild salmon ecosystem to the value of the Pebble mine proposal (Trenholm 2012). The report argues that although the economic value of the Pebble mine seems greater now, the long-term value is questionable, while the value of a wild salmon ecosystem will continue, as it is a renewable resource (Trenholm 2012:81). The wild salmon ecosystem will also maintain and promote social and cultural relationships that a mine will only disrupt. The report emphasizes the contrast between a mine's boomand-bust cycles and the wild salmon ecosystem's reliability (Trenholm 2012:81). Greenlandic SIA's and other literature regarding impacts of resource cite the main impact of resource development as a positive formal economic impact: jobs will be created and good working relations will be provided for the workers (Watkinson 2009:7; Grontmij 2012:vii). The recent study "To the Benefit of Greenland" (The Commission 2014) takes an approach that puts local and regional benefits at the center, no matter whether they are economic, cultural or ecological. The emphasis on good working relations is important in Greenland where Greenlanders for decades have been paid less and given worse working conditions than Danes as part of the home-rule relationship. Formal and informal economic activities can be difficult to distinguish in Greenland where commercial fisheries are the most important export industry (Frederiksen et al. 2012:95), and fishing at the same time is an important informal economic source for the individual Greenlandic family (Nuttall 1998:113). Private catches are both shared and sold on local markets while the government simultaneously encourages people to sell their meat to the national fishing export company Royal Greenland (Nuttall 1998:118-119). As described in greater detail in Chapter 4, assessments from Greenland are somewhat differently organized than EISs and SIAs from Alaska. One reason for this might be found in differing governmental and political structures. Assessments from Greenland are more formal in their design. They are written as reports on how already established, homogenous, governmental structures on both local and national levels might be affected by the opening of a mine or oil drilling on the coast. The
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cross-cultural context is largely left out as it is presumably assumed that Greenlanders are already familiar and used to outsiders working and living in settlements. There is not the advocate perspective that can be found in some of the Alaskan impact assessments defending cultural and environmental traditions. In fact the cultural implications of resource development are completely left out in some SIAs. Even more problematic is the interpretation of cultural values as cultural heritage sites (Watkinson 2009). In the SIA for the Nalunaq goldmine a paragraph on cultural values states that the only cultural value in the area of the mine is a Norse settlement that they will maintain the access to (Watkinson 2009:54-55). Culture is exclusively interpreted and reduced to historical material. One reason for the lack of an advocate perspective might be that Greenlanders have already achieved self-government and the need to establish themselves as an oppressed minority in a dominating nation-state has been abandoned (Nuttall 1998:109). A negative impact of resource development is predicted to be the loss of local jobs when a development will close (Watkinson 2009:9, 42), as well as a lack of formal structures and guidelines about how to inform about and involve local communities in resource development activities. One SIA states: "Relations between the community members and the company have been channeled through the highest ranking company employee on site in an ad-hoc manner based primarily on open and informal communication. Formal meetings were held irregularly but generally at least once per year. Community information was distributed by posting on the community bulletin board. No formal communication channels such as grievance mechanisms have been established" (Grontmij 2012:IX). The lack of communication has resulted in conflicts between community members and employees of the mine while the lack of formal structures has prevented ways to resolve the conflicts. In many ways Greenland finds itself in the developing phase that Alaska saw in the 1970s. Everyone wants to develop resources in Greenland and the new independent government is working hard to achieve contracts that will benefit Greenlanders as much as possible. They are also just starting to estimate the consequences of resource developments such as the social, economic, and cultural impacts. They are posing questions such as "What are the social consequences of large in-migration of Chinese mine workers on small Indigenous communities?" (Harvey 2012), which is a question similar to that posed by researchers in the 1970s in Alaska asking: What will happen when a large group of workers from mainland U.S. comes up and live in or near rural Alaska Native villages? (Vining 1974). Informal economic activities are generally not considered in the SIAs or other analyses. Indigenous communities in Alaska and Greenland are constantly adapting to the economic, political, social, and cultural environments they are a part of and their small-scale economies depend on their abilities to utilize informal economic means such as subsistence harvesting (Nuttall 1998:97). They need to adapt to economic boom-and-bust cycles, continue to fight for self-determination and stimulate local empowerment; all of which is done through informal economic activities (Nuttall 1998:97). One informal economic activity is subsistence. However, subsistence is much more than just an economic value. B. Subsistence and cultural values Chapter 13 of this volume details the need to better understand the importance of subsistence activities
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in order for communities in the north to properly benefit from resource development. In the context Alaska and Greenland subsistence can have many meanings and values attached to it, but the lack of literature on subsistence as impacted by resource development creates a narrow idea of what subsistence is. Here we briefly show how diverse a term it can be. In 2010 the Inuit Circumpolar Council stated: "Inuit hunting, fishing, and other forms of subsistence gathering constitute a common basis of Inuit spiritual, cultural, social, economic and political way of life and are essential to the continued viability of Inuit communities and individuals" (Kruse 2011:18). In 2008, Haley and Magdanz emphasized the importance of subsistence foods to Indigenous communities in Alaska saying: "Subsistence serves a wide range of economic, social and cultural functions in Inupiat society, including: food and nutrition; economic production, consumption, cost of living and economic security; sharing, social ties and cultural identity; values and spiritual resilience; social capital in the form of reciprocity, trust, cooperation and leadership; and physical and mental health. Time on the land promotes observation-based knowledge, skills, experience and judgment; hunting provides a positive outlet and valued social role for young men; and self-reliance promotes a sense of efficacy and fate control" (Haley & Magdanz 2008:26-27). As shown by the ICC and Haley and Magdanz, subsistence is closely connected to and can be considered a cultural value. In his book, "A Yupiaq Worldview" (2006), Oscar Kawagley explains how Alaska Natives share certain worldview characteristics resulting in certain shared values. Alaska Natives all try to live in harmony with their environment: "This has required the construction of an intricate, subsistence-based worldview, a complex way of life with specific cultural mandates regarding the ways in which the human being is to relate to other human relatives and the natural and spiritual worlds" (Kawagley 2006:8). The shared emphasis on harmony, balance and reciprocity has resulted in some common Alaska Native values (Kawagley 2006:9). Among these shared values is the importance of sharing, the importance of cooperation within an extended family and respecting and thanking the universe for what have been given (Kawagley 2006:10). The emphasis on sharing is also a value among Greenlanders (Nuttall 1998:83). Sharing among hunter-gatherers has been studied extensively in anthropology. Nurit Bird-David (1992) refers to them as having an economy of cosmic sharing between people, animals, and the environment. However, this is a kind of economy that is not acknowledged in EISs and SIAs. Like Haley and Magdanz (2008), Natuk Lund Olsen writes that Greenlandic culture can be understood through the saying, "To live is to survive" and the only thing keeping death at bay is food (Olsen 2011: 409). Food is not just nutrition; it is also customs, norms and identity shaping (Olsen 2011:412, Jeppesen 2008:96). Quoting Lotte Holm, Olsen explains: "We incorporate our environment in our bodies when we eat ­ we let the environment pass through us" (Olsen 2011:413). Many Arctic Indigenous people live in subsistence dependent communities with an economy based on hunting, fishing and gathering as well as supplemental wage employment (Haley and Magdanz 2008:25). Sharing of subsistence foods help reinforce and maintain social relationships, while participating in subsistence activities teach new generations about values and identity. Olsen writes that:
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"Through the ages gastronomy has proved to be a stronger cultural force among the peoples of the world than linguistic or other influences" (Olsen 2011:425). The two only things that have survived are the Greenlandic language and Greenlandic food. However, many Greenlanders, especially in the capital Nuuk do not speak Greenlandic anymore and so Greenlandic food is really the main cultural activity (Olsen 2011:426). When subsistence is threatened by resource development whole cultures and economic systems are threatened. Resource development is impacting subsistence in major ways: by threatening the natural environment and by increasing the cash flow to Indigenous people resulting in changing lifestyles, priorities, and values (Jorgensen 1990:14-19). EIAs describe how resource development will impact land and animals, which in turn will have impacts on local residents' subsistence hunting, fishing and gathering. These are described as potential problems that continue to be monitored while the actual effects have not been proven (Boertman et al. 1998; ConocoPhilips 2008; Frederiksen et al. 2012; LGL 2012; Perry et al. 2010, 2011; TetraTech 2009). In Greenland, noise from oil drilling is defined as an issue as the noise will disturb animals and scare them away (Boertman et al. 1998:11). Oil drilling and oil spills have an effect on the environment and will therefore impact subsistence and access to subsistence (Bortman et al. 1998:25,33). In the EIS for the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska, ConocoPhilips states that drilling, construction of ice roads, and overland moves might affect subsistence in the area, but that these are expected to only have shortterm effects (ConocoPhilips 2008:26). Tetra Tech has much the same arguments in the 2009 EIS for the Red Dog Mine (Tetra Tech 2009). What is interesting here is that both EIS's and presumably a large number of other EIS's have held public meetings with residents of affected Indigenous communities. The summaries and comments from these meetings are publically available and they show that local residents are very much voicing concerns about changes to lands and animals. They are worried about the changes they see and want their livelihoods protected as shown in the introduction to this analysis. In 2011, the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER) at the University of Alaska Anchorage published a number of articles discussing the development of an Arctic Subsistence Observation System under the Arctic Observing Network Social Indicators Project (AON-SIP). This project aims at investigating and mapping Arctic change (Kruse 2011). The scope of the project goes beyond changes associated with resource development and includes climate change, political change and more. However, some of the changes to subsistence that the project has recorded include birds dying from poisoning; foxes with soar-like spots; and changing caribou migrations patterns (Kruse 2011:16). Phenomena that could be related to resource development and that are threatening subsistence but are not mentioned in impact assessments. The Exxon Valdez oil spill is an example of the negative impacts resource development can have on Indigenous communities. The oil spill occurring in 1989 in the Prince William Sound of Alaska caused economic, cultural, spiritual and social disruptions to Alaska Native communities (Gill and Picou 1997; Ritchie 2004). Liesel Ritchie describes how the oil spill had both short-term and long-term consequences for subsistence in South Alaska (Ritchie 2004:392). One Alaska Native male is quoted saying: "The damage it was doing. It wasn't the money so much. People weren't really thinking about [money].... I wasn't thinking about money. I don't know if ... any of our people were thinking
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about money. We were more thinking about what it was doing to the water ­ because we called it `the day the water died' ­ ... and how it was going to change our life" (Ritchie 2004:277). The Exxon Valdez oil spill had major impacts on subsistence foods and lifestyle in south Alaska both short-term and long-term. Quoting Meaganack 1989, Gill and Picou (1997:7) write: "Our elders feel helpless. They cannot do all the activities of gathering food and preparing for the winter. And most of all, they cannot teach their young ones the Native way. How will the children learn the values and the ways if the water is dead? If the water is dead, maybe we are dead, our heritage, our tradition, our ways of life and living and relating to nature and each other". Another consequence of the spill was changes to the Indigenous diet as people were forced to replace subsistence foods with store-bought food. Changing diets can result in a change in values, as subsistence lifestyles are increasingly abandoned or downscaled to part time. Values do change and Indigenous people living in Western parts of the world are constantly influenced by both traditional Indigenous values and Western values. It is perhaps impossible to define what causes values to change because they are changing as a result of an accumulation of many things. Assessments from the 1970s raise concern over how Indigenous communities that have not had much contact with the Western world might change as a result of that contact established through the construction of the pipeline in Alaska. It is clear that an in-depth analysis of contemporary understandings, values, and roles of subsistence in Greenlandic and Alaskan Indigenous communities is necessary in order to understand what impacts resource development will have on such communities. Still, as had been mentioned above, it is evident by now that resource development can also have positive impacts. Or, to put it differently, the prevention of local resource development can be seen as another assault by outsiders, this time in the pursuit of the resource "wilderness" (Brower 2015). C. Human mobility Alaska holds a special place in history as the place where people first migrated to to settle America approximately 50,000-15,000 years ago (Langdon 2002: 6). People migrated from Canada to Greenland approximately 4,500 years ago and have been studied extensively in connection to past human migration. Studies of past migration differ widely from the migration that an analysis like the present is investigating, but the focus on past migration in Alaska and Greenland might have overshadowed the importance of present day migration in connection to resource development. As noted in Chapter 5 of this volume, in Canada, migration is closely connected to resource development, as workers move to an area being developed and then move away again when the development is downscaled leaving behind struggling local communities, businesses, and sometimes ghost towns. In Alaska migration as connected to resource development is not dealt with in-depth. Only one recent social-economic impact assessment mentions migration and here it is only to say that migration is low (Rogers 2006:77). Looking further back the construction of the pipeline caused some migration as workers followed the construction further north. It did not however create ghost towns as in Canada because only temporary camps were established and these were located away from Indigenous communities in the hope that workers would not disturb the ways of life in the villages (Vining 1974). No actual studies of the effects of pipeline work camps on Indigenous communities are available. One study of the effects of pipeline work camps on a non-Indigenous community (Valdez) describes how
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workers are hard-working, hard drinking and from outside the region (Baring-Gould and Bennett 1975: 23). Most of them do not participate in local community life aside from buying liquor, books and clothes. Relationships with locals were minimal but considered friendly or civil and most social problems were found within the camps, not involving residents of Valdez (Baring-Gould and Bennett 1974: 23-25). In the EIS for the Red Dog Mine extension in 2009 the historical context of the Red Dog Mine was briefly discussed. The following was said about migration: "Conversely, another potential impact on the cultural integrity of the region is in-migration due to the mine. One of the key concerns brought up at the 1984 public hearings regarding the development of the Red Dog Mine site was the possibility of an influx of people from outside into communities and villages (Public Hearing Transcripts 1984). These individuals have the potential to bring stronger influences of western culture, which could further alter local culture. With this concern in mind, the mine and its related infrastructure was purposefully located away from any established villages to avoid directly impacting any one community. These interactions, however may still take place at the mine site between local and non-local employees" (Tetra Tech 2009: G17). A follow-up to this potential impact has not been identified. As the Red Dog Mine is still active, it would be highly relevant to investigate the impacts of the in-migration to the surrounding villages and hub-town: Kotzebue. Martin et al. (2008:7) mention that while Alaska has experienced large in- and outflows of people in connection to the construction of the pipeline, today migration has changed to a one-sided out-migration. The question is: why are people leaving the villages? How big an effect has resource development had on this trend of out-migration? Building on SLICA and the work by Hamilton and Seyfrit (1994), Martin et al. (2008:8) write that people hope to enhance their well-being by moving to places with more jobs and better education. People are migrating from rural to urban areas in both Greenland and Alaska, and one of the open questions is whether resource development can slow down, or revert, the process. Since the 1950s, people have been leaving Alaskan villages for hub towns and bigger cities (Martin et al. 2008:3). Between 1990 and 2000, the net migration rate out of the Northwest Arctic Region was -4.7 Percent (Tetra Tech 2009: G-17). In Greenland, a similar trend is found in more recent years as people move from smaller villages to bigger ones (SMV 2010:10). It is repeatedly indicated that young people leave the villages to return later either because they were unsuccessful in creating new lives elsewhere or because they want to give back to the community they belong to (Hamilton and Seyfrit 1994:191; GramHanssen 2012:60). In Alaska, more young women than men have been leaving the villages in pursuit of higher education and different lifestyles (Hamilton and Seyfrit 1994:191). A gap-analysis of management of living resources in Greenland (Mьller-Wille et al. 2005) names migration as a gap that should be analyzed. It is emphasized that the role of in- and out migration is not clear (Mьller-Wille et al. 2005:17). Another hypothesis is that when a development is closed down local people start migrating out to find new work after having become used to the new income. This is not dealt with in the literature. Today workers in Alaska and Greenland are flown in on a bi-weekly basis, working two-three week shifts and are then flown out again. There are no studies investigating the impacts of this traffic on Indigenous as well as non-Indigenous communities. In proposed projects in Greenland workers are expected to live in camps while working but it has not been decided whether these camps will
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accommodate families and welcome women and children (Agersnap 1997). Specifics of the Russian Situation A. Ethnic demography, health, and socio-economic issues With perestroika, the disastrous situation of Russia's Arctic minorities came to light, mostly in areas where intensive extractive industrial development had devastated the environment that they relied on for their traditional livelihood. Rather than scholarly discussions, an article in the communist newspaper entitled "the big problems of small peoples" (Pika & Prokhorov 1988) generated the discussion (Fondahl & Poelzer 1997). Since the early 1990's, there exist a significant number of scientific publications dedicated to the issues of Indigenous living conditions in the Russian Arctic, which analyze the causes of the current situation (Sokolova 1990, 1995, 2003; Karlov 1991). Significant contributions to the subject of ethnic and demographic processes have been made by Pika and Bogoyavlenskiy (1995), Pika (1999) Volzhanina (2003, 2004, 2009, 2010), Kvashnin (2003, 2007, 2009, 2011), Tuisku (2002), Zen'ko (2001), and Balzer (1999). Most studies were conducted with community-based field research. Ethno-sociological monitoring and socio-economic situation in Indigenous settlements and the tundra were analyzed by Kharamzin and Khairullina (2003), Ezyngi (2004b), and Stammler (2005). In the following we shall highlight some examples of such research, focusing on areas where extractive industries have had a particularly strong social impact. Volzhanina (2009) summarized the major dynamics and demographic characteristics of the Yamal Nenets, describing the influence of traditional life and knowledge on time, family, and relations with the Russian population. The calculated demographic indices testified aboriginal stability. Referring to census data and land management expeditions, the author identified a high absolute population growth. Comparing trends in demographic structures of nomadic and the settled industrial population of Yamal she revealed differences of traditional and modern types of reproduction. rtyukhova and Pirig (2004) puts demography of Indigenous peoples in a broader context of the basic trends of the national ethnographic and historical science. In this light specific demographic trends among the Yamal Nenets lie in their high natality and the general increase in the Indigenous share of the entire population, in an area that is exceptional in the Russian Arctic for its general population stability, and even slight increase since the end of the Soviet Union (Heleniak 2009). B. Processes in Indigenous cultures and traditional economies There are two overlapping economies in the north: a native rural traditional economy, which is most important for Indigenous livelihoods but economically insignificant, and the main extractive industry run by the urban incomer population as well as fly in fly out population in the Russian Arctic. Some hunting territories of the native peoples have become accessible for newcomers due to the development of transportation facilities (Ziker 2003), built closer to extractive industrial cities. The complexity of the interrelationship between Indigenous cultures and extractive industries is seen in a very broad range of phenomena related to Indigenous societies in the North. In discussing social impacts of resource development on northern communities, researchers in Russia often highlight notions of Indigenous wellbeing, the loss of cultural continuity, linguistic assimilation, alienation from power, the adaptation to a new social environment, and the threat of industry to traditional activity. Ezyngi (2004) examined the ethnocultural characteristics of the current situation in Yamal including such parameters as Indigenous well-being and interrelationship with the processes in the district during the
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past 100 years. He conducted an analysis of the socio-cultural situation assessing the impacts of factors linked to resource development on Indigenous lifestyle and culture. The following tendencies in the Nenets culture were observed: a) the native language has been preserved as a spoken language, however, there are tendencies of transition to another language (Russian); b) there is an increase in total number of ethnically mixed families; and c) there are cases of duality in consciousness between the Indigenous and national identity. The author argues that the intensive industrial development in the region has affected all the cultural aspects of the tundra population. Klokov (1997) called the decrease of land available for Indigenous livelihoods "territorial ethnocide", even when it was linked to a stable or even growing Indigenous population. According to the author, territorial ethnocide happens due to the gradual transition to the more efficient economic system of the dominant society. Klokov further identifies that the main problem for Indigenous adaptation to a rapidly changing society and environment around them lies in the passiveness of their approach. He argues that Indigenous peoples make few attempts to actively shape their relations with the industrial population. Golovnev and Osherenko (1999) analyzed the Nenets history up to the start of gas industry development as a dialogue of cultures in which the major attention was focused on ethno-cultural traditions and motivations. In their research the Nenets appear as an exceptionally resilient group with a phenomenal capacity to preserve their culture. Stammler (2005) challenged this notion and showed that rather than in the exceptionality of Nenets culture of resisting assimilation, the reason for the continued thriving of Nenets nomadism lies in the savviness of the Nenets to identify their niche in a dominant Soviet society, but also not less in the tolerance of the Soviet representatives to grant them that niche. As a result, Nenets society adopted and adapted many innovations from incomers, but without therefore abandoning their own traditions based on their herding-based mobility (Stammler 2013). Many scholars have addressed the issue of Indigenous cultural survival and the development of their traditional economies. Reindeer herding, hunting, fishing, plants gathering and processing of natural materials form the basis of life-support, language, culture and national psychology of the Indigenous peoples. Aleksandr Pika was among the first Russian anthropologists to address existing cultural and political issues facing the Arctic Indigenous people. In his concept of "neotraditionalism" (Pika 1999), he related to earlier (Soviet) ideas of paternalistic governance of the Indigenous North, identifying a new approach for combining old and new that respects the traditions and emphasizes the role of preservation of the natural and social environment in development of the northern Indigenous peoples. Along these lines, Yuzhakov and Mukhachev (2001) argued for a special status and support of what they called "ethnic reindeer herding". They acknowledge that during the Soviet and post-Soviet periods, preoccupation with quantitative performance indexes for meat production misses the most important point in Russian Arctic livelihoods: the importance of this lifestyle for sustaining the peoples themselves, allowing them to live with less welfare, more independence, and consequently also more prestige and pride. Different from all other agricultural economies, where livestock and production are only those of a commercial type, the authors conclude that much work needs to be done to improve standard of living in traditional economies and at the same time consider its cultural importance. Promoting reindeer products and improving the modes of production, manufacturing products with higher added value, creating market and self-control mechanisms, which considers the traditional lifestyle and the development of cooperative farming, were mentioned as being necessary to facilitate reindeer herding in areas impacted by resource development. We could elaborate on this by arguing that
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investing in Indigenous livelihoods is first and foremost good social policy. Looking at the economic aspects only, Indigenous economies will always look weak or meaningless in comparison to the large industries extracting resources from Indigenous lands. Rapid industrial development of natural resources and new market relations has resulted in further loss of the significance of traditional economies as a source of livelihood for the Indigenous population. However, it was mostly during the years of transition to a market economy that negative processes linked to resource-based economic development destroyed the traditional economic bases for Indigenous lifestyles and led to a catastrophic decrease in living standards (Vitebsky 1990; Osherenko 1995; Pika and Bogoyavlenskiy 1995). C. Indigenous adaptations and future scenarios Since the beginning of the 1990s, researchers have proposed several scenarios for Indigenous adaptation to the social impacts of industrial development in traditional lands. Dryagin (1995) describes one of them as a positive adaptation, based on preserved social ties of the tribe and introduction of a collective bargaining with relatives, which could promote social and economic self-government in the tundra. In fact, it is this idea of creating clan communities and collective agreements with oil and gas companies, which currently is taking place. According to the second scenario, the emphasis is on converting the young tundra-based Indigenous population to individual employment within the dominant Russian population, as well as promoting interethnic marriages. In the scenario's case site, this development would result in a complete assimilation of Indigenous youth in the Pur district ­ Russia's main gas province in Yamal, West Siberia. The assimilated indigenous population would not have the prospect of returning back to the tundra. Rather, the traditional tundra-dwellers as a group of local population, as well as reindeer-herding as a sector of the economy would gradually go extinct. Oil and gas companies would be the only ones benefiting from this outcome. This increased development of infrastructure in settlements would create new jobs, which integrated indigenous people could take on. Anything left over from their traditional culture and crafts would become part of an urbanized lifestyle dominated by the process of resource extraction. Traditional knowledge could also become part of this industrialized lifestyle: an industry based on traditional knowledge would use new technologies to produce crafts, souvenirs and utility tools for commercial markets. One example of this is the production of reindeer-skin boots, which have become popular also among the Russian industrial city population. In both theory and practice, traditional crafts are also being sold to city-dwellers by the tundra-dwelling reindeer nomads in scenario one. The difference between the two is that for the first, this has only an auxiliary character and would not replace any traditional lifestyle, whereas in the second scenario, it has become part of an assimilated urban lifestyle. Kvashnin (2009) observed that even if present development would develop according to the first scenario, it is not likely to be sustainable. The present condition reminds him of the Soviet Era's paternalistic policy towards the Indigenous people, where oil and gas companies had taken on the role of the party and business leaders, providing Aboriginals with subsidies and other benefits. Such an approach, according to Kvashnin, creates dependent attitudes among the Aboriginal population and stimulates constant expectations of care. Evaluating the situation in one community (obshchina), he predicts a gradual reduction of traditional herding on the territory and gradual resettlement of the Nenets to villages, with a seasonal fishery in the last non-contaminated rivers and lakes. However, not all the scenario predictions are grim. Some researchers note the Indigenous ability to adapt
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to the changing social and environmental conditions (e.g., see Crate 2002; Hovelsrud and Smit 2010). In research on the Forest Nenets, Karapetova (2012) acknowledged that despite some negative changes, contracts with industry have made it possible to purchase new freezers and construct new fish processing facilities, which have greatly contributed to the export and barter of Indigenous products. This has improved the quality of life for some Indigenous families. Karapetova noted that the traditional economy no longer exists in the same form as in the 1980s. Hunting has become unprofitable, as fur is not in demand any more. It is a sign of resilience that Indigenous people are still able to focus on traditional activities such as fishing and herding which still serve as the basis for preservation of their ethnic cultural traditions and enables them to adapt to environmental and social transformations. Conclusions and Research Gaps This last section identifies some research gaps relating to a better understanding of social impacts of resource development in Alaska, Greenland, and Russia. Work on these gaps are necessary to ensure that the benefits of resource development are maximized, and negative impacts are minimized, as far as communities in these regions are concerned. There is little research of a more applied nature that takes into consideration social-cultural aspects of the Indigenous population with a focus on their real everyday problems. Only in its infancy is research that analyses practices and the scope of Indigenous participation in the development process. Works by Novikova (2013a, 2013b, 214), and by Wilson (2016; Novikova and Wilson 2013) are important steps in this direction. Such a subject-oriented approach would not necessarily require a rejection of the present object-oriented development goals with construction of schools, kindergartens and other objects of social infrastructure. To achieve subject-oriented development, first, would require to find answers to several important questions, such as, why the Indigenous population is an object of the present development in the Arctic than a subject? How much in reality herders are dependent on oil companies and whether they would be able to survive without oil company subsidies, compensation and charity in the present economic conditions? Is the basis for the traditional economies natural or market-based? How important it is to preserve Indigenous languages and implement it to the educational process? How to enhance Indigenous employment opportunities and re-establish herding practices, rather than just provide financial support? How to implement sustainable forms of modern herding enterprises based on the worldview of Indigenous people? How does the influence of diet change and medical provision influence Indigenous well-being? How does the educational system take into consideration regional specifics of resettlement? Answering these questions would require conducting more anthropological studies as well as land use studies. Such research would not necessarily put a price-tag to answering the above-mentioned points and how much more benefit indigenous or local people would get in such cases from industrial development. However, it would show ways for indigenous cultures and livelihoods to become more resilient to the damages of industrial development, and become more active participants in the development process. Results of such research could be also used to recreate and evaluate the outcome of different development scenarios, where Indigenous communities have a different level of involvement, which directly influence their integration into the process. Another topic, with a future research potential is an in-depth study of Indigenous population in the context of monitoring the socio-cultural and environmental conditions, which can determine the effects from anthropogenic pollution on the environment, creating a greater danger for the present and future generations of its Indigenous inhabitants. Above all natural and ecological factors, a clean environment is first and foremost the basis for indigenous livelihoods and cultures. Much more than urbanized
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industrial lifestyles do indigenous land users depend on the state of their environment. In other words ­ a polluted lake is dangerous for those who drink its water, eat its fish, and worship its spirits. It is not dangerous for inhabitants of an apartment bloc built on its shores, where the only "use" of the lake for humans is as a site of visual beauty. More than that, environmental pollution and health consequences happen anyway in all cases of industrial development. These topics are therefore the prime occasion for building partnership relations between the parties involved in industrial development. (Sovet Federatsii 2009) The current socio-economic and environmental situation in the Arctic has been thoroughly studied in recent decades. We identify, however, significant gaps in the practical implementation of development plans, providing better participatory decision-making. Academic articles on the practice of indigenous participation in the development process and its problem solving (e.g. Novikova and Wilson 2013) are still rare, although various attempts to implement participatory mechanisms designed in the West for Russian cases are already ongoing (Muraskho and Yakel' 2009), as well as Russian domestic initiatives (Stammler and Ivanova 2016b). The emphasis over the last ten years has been on economic and political opportunity, seeing the Arctic as a place with a potential political experience, where Russia can take the lead and live up to the image of a great power, while the Arctic itself is to become its primary resource base by 2020. Russia, with its problematic environmental record and its plans for expanding to offshore zones would mean a threat of expanding negative practice, followed by deterioration of natural resources and living conditions of the Indigenous people, where local administration does not have enough legal power and willingness to secure the needs of herders. Perceiving development as so much prioritizing industrial progress may lead to a worldview, where cultural losses are naturally acceptable and often justify marginalization. Future research could place more importance on the influence of culturally specific relations to the resources among the different land users. It makes a big difference if the land is seen as a treasure house void of any other meaning except its potential of extraction, or seen as an animated landscape inhabited by people, animals and spirits that are all closely cooperating in supporting survival and reproduction ­ physically and culturally ­ in a harsh environment. Recent research has just started looking into that more closely (Wilson and Stammler 2016; Stammler and Ivanova 2016). Again, this kind of research does not immediately put a price tag on how much return it gives as benefits for local and indigenous peoples. However, when companies consider indigenous worldviews better and incorporate it in their decision-making mechanisms, respect towards local cultures increases, and damages caused by industrial development decrease. Partnership relations in this sphere may also make people on both sides realize that finally, all humans have the same basic needs for supporting their life. An indigenous fisher as well as an oil worker want their children and grandchildren to live well physically, economically, socially and environmentally. As mentioned in several other chapters of this volume there is a research gap in regards to our understanding of the cumulative impacts of extractive industrial development on local people. It would be very useful to these communities to better understand how industrial development generates these cumulative impact chains. To name some examples: new construction leading to a new immigration of workers, who then bring their own social and cultural norms into the Arctic, who then start interacting with local and Indigenous cultures. This can lead to significant changes in ethno-social structures, for
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example through intermarriages between Indigenous (often women) and recent incomers from central Asia (often men). This in turn leads to gender shifts, which, and noted in Chapter 15, is a poorly studied topic. In the few available sources on gender in Russia (Povoroznyuk et al. 2010), the impacts of extractive industries have so far not been studied. Related to this topic is also the role of domestic violence, sexual abuse, alcohol, drug and prostitution in places where industry workers meet Indigenous locals. While the authors of Chapter 15 note a lack of research in this area, this topic is far better studied in the Canadian Arctic than in the Russian Arctic. The same is true with the cumulative effects of industrial migration on religion in the Arctic. Many of the more recent migrants are Muslims, and almost every industrial Russian Arctic city features a mosque these days. At the same time, Alaskan and Greenlandic cultural and religious landscapes are being altered through migration processes triggered by resource development (and visions of potentially thousands of Chinese workers on the island of Greenland circulating in the press). Still, there are hardly any studies about how such changes are being perceived by Indigenous peoples some of whom are in the process of reviving their own pre-Christian religious traditions. Another gap can be identified in the absence of specific studies on Indigenous industrial workers. Studies are still rare (Dudeck 2008), and the topic is important also in applied research: how do Indigenous industry workers deal with labor regimes that they are not used to? How do they cope with discipline at work? How do they adapt their traditional harvesting practices to employment schedules? How can they make best use of their extensive knowledge of the environment for making extractive industries environmentally and socially as viable as possible? Finally, we argue that the informal economic impacts of resource development are generally left out of SIAs and other impact analyses, which create a gap in literature that leads to a number of impact aspects being neglected. Indigenous communities in Alaska and Greenland are constantly adapting to the economic, political, social, and cultural environments they are a part of and their small-scale economies depend on their abilities to utilize informal economic means such as subsistence harvesting (Nuttall 1998:97). They need to adapt to economic boom-and-bust cycles, continue to fight for selfdetermination and stimulate local empowerment; all of which is done through informal economic activities (Nuttall 1998:97). One informal economic activity is subsistence. However, subsistence is of much more than economic value at this analysis has shown.
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