Sport stars

Tags: DAVID L. ANDREWS, London, celebrity, celebrities, sport, David Beckham, sport celebrities, Social Issues, Indiana University Press, De Montfort University, Venus Williams, Michael Jordan, individuals, Leisure Studies, consumer capitalism, Cultural Studies, Sociology of Sport, Grantland Rice, Diego Maradona, C. Brodsky Lacour, West Indies cricket, Raymond Williams, the Department of Kinesiology, commercial television, Sociology of Sport Journal, Journal of Sport, Social Anthropology, University of Oslo, West Indian, Pantheon Books, Bibliography Altimore, STEVEN J. JACKSON Dyson, Toni Bruce, University of Minnesota Press, West Indies, University of California Press, Yale University Press, C. Gledhill, Polity Press, Brian Lara, University of Tennessee Press, Imran Khan, Peter Corrigan, Cathy Freeman, Northeastern University Press, Christopher Hallinan, Hilary Beckles, public culture, cultural politics, celebrity endorser, individual, Gwyn Nicholls, Dan O'Brien, Bill Tilden, Andre Agassi, Dennis Rodman, George Herman, television, Jack Dempsey, popular initiative, The New York Journal, William Randolph Hearst, American success, Mickey Mantle, popular entertainment, Arnold Palmer, Tiger Woods, Paul Gascoigne, sport stars, STEVEN J. JACKSON, African American, University of Otago, Babe Ruth, Steven J. Jackson London, mainstream media, United States, American popular media, Ben Carrington, Ian Wright, American celebrity, white American, cultural context, dominant discourses
Content: SPORT STARS In a culture obsessed with celebrity, sportsmen and women are some of the highest profile figures. We are fascinated by sport stars' lifestyles, love lives and earning power. Sport Stars investigates the nature of contemporary sporting celebrity, examining stars' often turbulent relationships with the media, and with the sporting establishment. Through a series of case studies of sporting stars, including Diego Maradona, Michael Jordan, Venus Williams and David Beckham, contributors examine the cultural, political, economic and technological forces which combine to produce sporting celebrity, and consider the ways in which these most public of individuals inform and influence private experience. David L. Andrews is an Associate Professor of Sport and Cultural Studies in the Department of Kinesiology at the University of Maryland at College Park, and a Senior Visiting Research Fellow at De Montfort University, Bedford. Steven J. Jackson is Senior Lecturer in Sport and Leisure Studies in the School of Physical Education at the University of Otago, New Zealand.
SPORT STARS The cultural politics of sporting celebrity Edited by David L. Andrews and Steven J. Jackson London and New York
First published 2001 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002. © 2001 David L. Andrews and Steven J. Jackson for selection and editorial material; individual contributors their contribution All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Sport stars: the cultural politics of sporting celebrity/edited by David L. Andrews and Steven J. Jackson Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Sports­Social aspects. 2. Athletes­Social conditions. 3. Mass media and sports. 4. Fame­Social aspects. 5. Celebrities. I. Andrews, David L. II. Jackson, Steven J. GV706.5 .S77 2001 306.4'83­dc21 2001031655 ISBN 0­415­22118­8 (hbk) ISBN 0­415­22119­6 (pbk) ISBN 0-203-46354-4 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-77178-8 (Adobe eReader Format)
Notes on contributors
Introduction: sport celebrities, public culture,
and private experience
1 Michael Jordan: corporate sport and
postmodern celebrityhood
2 Excursions into otherness: understanding Dennis Rodman
and the limits of subversive agency
3 Andre Agassi and Generation X: reading white
masculinity in 1990s' America
4 America's new son: Tiger Woods and America's
5 From "Child's play" to "Party crasher": Venus Williams,
racism and Professional Women's tennis
6 Postmodern blackness and the celebrity sports
star: Ian Wright, "race" and English identity
7 Evil genie or pure genius?: the (im)moral football
and public career of Paul "Gazza" Gascoigne
8 Punishment, redemption and celebration in the
popular press: the case of David Beckham
9 The spectacle of a heroic life: the case of Diego Maradona
E D U A R D O P. A R C H E T T I
10 Gretzky Nation: Canada, crisis and Americanization
11 Hideo Nomo: pioneer or defector?
12 Global Hingis: flexible citizenship and the
transnational celebrity
13 Nyandika Maiyoro and Kipchoge Keino: transgression,
colonial rhetoric and the postcolonial athlete
14 Imran Khan: the road from cricket to politics
15 Brian Lara: (con)testing the Caribbean imagination
16 Cathy Freeman: the quest for Australian identity TONI BRUCE AND CHRISTOPHER HALLINAN
CONTRIBUTORS David L. Andrews is an Associate Professor of Sport and Cultural Studies in the Department of Kinesiology at the University of Maryland at College Park, and a Senior Visiting Research Fellow at De Montfort University, Bedford. He is an associate editor of the Journal of Sport and Social Issues, and has published on a variety of topics related to the critical analysis of sport as an aspect of contemporary commercial culture. Eduardo P. Archetti is Professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Oslo. He has written extensively on society and culture in Argentina and Ecuador. His most recent books are Guinea Pigs. Food, Symbol and Conflict of Knowledge in Ecuador (1997) and Masculinities: Football, Polo and the Tango in Argentina (1999), and he is the editor of Exploring the Written. Anthropology and the Multiplicity of Writing (1994). Archetti is currently editor of Social Anthropology and chair-person of the Department of Social Anthropology at the University of Oslo. John Bale is Professor of Sports Geography at Keele University, UK. He is a pioneer in the geographical study of sport. Among his books are Sports Geography (1989), Sport, Space and the City (1993), Landscapes of Modern Sports (1994) and (with Joe Sang), Kenyan Running (1996). He has been a Visiting Professor at the University of Jyvдskylд, Finland and a visiting Fellow at the Centre for Olympic Studies at the University of Western Ontario, Canada. His most recent research has focused on European colonial representation of African athleticism. Hilary Beckles is Professor of Economic History, Director of the Centre for Cricket Research, and Pro-Vice Chancellor for Undergraduate Studies at the University of the West Indies, based at the Mona Campus in Jamaica. He is author of several books on Caribbean slavery. He recently published a twovolume study on West Indies cricket entitled The Development of West Indies Cricket: Vol. 1, The age of nationalism; Vol. 2, The age of globalisation (Pluto Press/UWI Press, 2000). He has edited a number of collections on the socio-cultural history of West Indies cricket. Liberation Cricket: West Indies Cricket Culture (Manchester University Press, 1998), was edited with Brian vii
CONTRIBUTORS Stoddart. He also teaches a course at the university entitled `A Social History of West Indies Cricket, 1790 to present'. Toni Bruce is a Senior Lecturer in Leisure Studies at the University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand. Her research focuses on the areas of race and gender especially in relation to the Sports Media. She has also been exploring writing forms that cross the boundary of ethnographic research and fiction. Her research has appeared in various journals including the Sociology of Sport Journal, Journal of Sport and Social Issues and the International Review for the Sociology of Sport. Ben Carrington teaches sociology and cultural studies at the University of Brighton. C.L. Cole is Associate Professor of Kinesiology, Sociology, and Women's Studies at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. She is editor of the Journal of Sport and Social Issues, co-editor with Michael Messner of SUNY's book series ``Sport, Culture and Social Relations'', on the editorial board of Cultural Studies, Critical Methodology and the advisory board of GLQ. She is currently completing a book on embodied deviance, sport, and national identity in post-WWII America. Peter Corrigan was educated at Trinity College, Dublin, obtaining BA and PhD degrees in Sociology. He currently teaches Sociology at the University of New England, Armidale, Australia, having also worked at universities in Britain, France and Pakistan. He has published on the sociology of consumption, and is currently working on projects around the meanings of domestic objects and shopping in Pakistan, death, beauty, cybersociety and political discourse. Michael Gerrard completed undergraduate and postgraduate degrees at the University of Aberdeen. In 1991, he graduated with an MA (Honours, 1st class, summa cum laude) in Cultural History. His doctoral thesis, awarded in 1998, was on religious identity in the North-East of Scotland. He is currently employed as a tutor in Sociology at the University of Aberdeen. Michael D. Giardina is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Kinesiology and Criticism and Interpretive Theory at the University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign. His doctoral dissertation focuses on transnational identity, celebrity subjectivity, and global sport from a postmodern cultural studies perspective. Other research interests include experimenting with a variety of interpretive ethnographic methods in cultural studies and communications Richard Giulianotti is currently a lecturer in Sociology at the University of Aberdeen. He is the author of Football: A Sociology of the Global Game (Polity, 1999); and co-editor of Football, Violence and Social Identity (Routledge, 1994), Game without Frontiers (Arena/Gower, 1994), Entering the Field (Berg, 1997), Football Cultures and Identities (Macmillan, 1999), viii
CONTRIBUTORS and Football Culture: Local Conflicts, Global Visions (Frank Cass, in press). He is a reviews editor on the journal Culture, Sport and Society. He met Paul Gascoigne briefly at a celebrity function in London in March 1996. Christopher Hallinan is a Senior Lecturer with the Centre for Rehabilitation, Exercise and Sport Science and the School of human movement Recreation and Performance at Victoria University in Melbourne, Australia. He teaches Sociology of Sport and Sport in Australian Society and is a member of the International Sport Sociology Association and the Australian Sociological Association. His research interests are within the politics of ethnic, racial and national identites, youth studies, and ethnographic research methods. He is, with John Hughson, editor of the forthcoming volume Sporting Tales: Ethnographic Fieldwork Experiences. Hajime Hirai is an associate professor at the Faculty of Education, Shiga University, Japan, teaching courses such as sociology of sport, and sports industries. His main interest is the Comparative analysis of sport in different cultural and social settings, in particular in the Asia and Pacific region. He did his undergraduate course at Keio University, Japan, and graduate programs at Iowa State University, USA and Hitotsubashi University, Japan. He was a Fulbright Junior Fellow at Pennsylvania State University from 1992 to 1993. Steven J. Jackson is a Senior Lecturer in the School of Physical Education, University of Otago, New Zealand where he teaches courses in Sport, Media and Culture and Sociology of Sport. His research interests include globalization, national identity, sport media and sports advertising. A member of the editorial board of the Sociology of Sport, Steve has published in various journals including: the Sociology of Sport, International Review for the Sociology of Sport, Journal of Sport and Social Issues, and Culture, Sport and Society. He is currently co-editing (with David Andrews) another volume titled: Sport, Culture and Advertising. Kyle W. Kusz is currently a lecturer on the socio-cultural study of sport at Northern Illinois University and a doctoral candidate at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. His research focuses on critically interrogating the conjunctural politics of representations of whiteness in American sport, film, and popular culture. Mйlisse Lafrance is a doctoral candidate at the University of Oxford. Her research interests relate to contemporary theories of sexual embodiment and bodily topography. Her work has been published in Signs: A Feminist Journal of Women in Culture and Politics and in edited collections published by Northeastern University Press and the State University of New York Press. She is the co-author of Disruptive Divas: Critical and Analytical Essays on Feminism, Identity and Popular Music (Routledge, in press). ix
CONTRIBUTORS Mary G. McDonald is associate professor in the Department of Physical Education, Health and Sport Studies and an affiliate with the Women's Studies program at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio, USA. Her scholarship focuses on feminist and cultural studies of sport, the media, and popular culture, and explores power relations as constituted along the axes of race, class, gender and sexuality. Her research has appeared in several journals including the Sociology of Sport, American Studies and the International Review for the Sociology of Sport. She is co-editor with Susan Birrell of Reading Sport: Critical Essays on Power and Representation (Northeastern University Press, 2000), an anthology that ties particular highly publicized sporting events and personalities to larger cultural, economic and political realms. Geneviиve Rail completed her doctoral studies at the University of Illinois and currently teaches in sociology of sport and health at the University of Ottawa's School of Human Kinetics and Institute of Women Studies. Her research interests are related to issues of gender and sexuality and their representational modalities in sport and other cultural domains. She has published, both in French and in English, in a variety of journals focussing on sport and/or health. She edited an anthology entitled Sport and Postmodern Times (SUNY Press, 1998). Nancy E. Spencer is Assistant Professor in the School of Human Movement, Sport, and Leisure Studies at Bowling Green State University in Ohio. She called lines for the famed Billie Jean King vs Bobby Riggs match, played and taught tennis professionally, and later received her Ph.D. from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Her research focuses on the making of celebrity in professional women's tennis. She has written articles in the Journal of Sport and Social Issues, and the Sociology of Sport Journal. Garry Whannel is a Professor of Media Cultures at the University of Luton, and was previously a Co-Director of the Centre for Sports Development Research at Roehampton Institute, London. The chapter on Beckham is based upon research for Garry Whannel's forthcoming book Media Sports Stars: Masculinities and Moralities (Routledge). He has published extensively in the fields of sport and leisure studies, and cultural studies, and has edited books on the Olympic Games, the World Cup, television studies, and leisure cultures. He is the author of Fields in Vision, Blowing the Whistle, and coauthor (with Alan Tomlinson and John Home) of Understanding Sport. x
INTRODUCTION Sport celebrities, public culture, and private experience David L. Andrews and Steven J. Jackson To speak of a culture of celebrity nowadays is nearly to commit a redundancy. (Gitlin, 1998, p. 81) Stars represent typical ways of behaving, feeling and thinking in Contemporary Society, ways that have been socially, culturally, historically constructed. (Dyer, 1986, p. 18) Its drama, its personalities and its worldwide appeal mean sport is the new Hollywood. (Bell and Campbell, 1999, p. 22) Raymond Williams' invaluable glossary of cultural terms Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society, although compiled as recently as 1976, does not include a definition of the word "celebrity". Such an omission would be unthinkable had Williams been writing now ­ at the beginning of the twentyfirst century, since celebrity has become a primary product and process underpinning what David Rowe has termed late capitalism's "culturalization of economics" (1999, p. 70). According to Marshall (1997), the contemporary celebrity is an embodiment of the twinned discourses of late modernity: neo-liberal democracy and consumer capitalism. Indeed, Western liberal democracy represents a political system preoccupied with "the personal, the intimate, and the individual" (ibid., p. xiii); incorporates an equally solipsistic regime of economic (re)production (consumer capitalism); both of which are nurtured by the supreme technology of hyper-individualization (commercial television). From the outpourings of the commercial media, whom Braudy (1997, p. 550) refers to as the "arbiters of celebrity," we are, at least superficially, privy to a wealth of information that encourages us to develop a sense of familiarity, intrigue, and sometimes obsession with celebrity figures. While the celebrity is usually a complete stranger, and someone we are never likely to meet, nor ever truly know, the virtual intimacy created between celebrity and audience often 1
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON has very real effects on the manner in which individuals negotiate the experience of their everyday lives. So, as well as being a consequential force within late capitalist Western liberal economies, celebrities are significant public entities responsible for structuring meaning, crystallizing ideologies, and offering contextually grounded maps for private individuals as they navigate contemporary conditions of existence (Marshall, 1997). To be sure, celebrity is a notoriously difficult concept to define. In his seminal discussion, Daniel Boorstin made a distinction between the celebrity and the hero: The celebrity is a person who is known for his well-knownness ... The hero was distinguished by his achievement; the celebrity by his image or trademark. The hero created himself; the celebrity is created by the media. The hero is a big man [sic]; the celebrity is a big name. (1992, pp. 57, 61) Further refining the notion of celebrity, Monaco (1978) developed a useful hierarchy of celebrityhood sub-divided into: heroes (figures whose actual achievements garnered positive notoriety); stars (individuals who actively cultivate public interest in their own personifications); and quasars (people unwillingly sucked into what Wernick (1991) described as the vortex of promotion). Within this project, we adhere to Marshall's (1997) understanding of celebrity as a descriptor incorporating various forms of public individuality (the hero, star, famous, leader, renowned, notorious) existent and operational within popular culture. The necessary dynamism of the celebrity complex means that individuals can, and frequently do, oscillate between these celebrity categories: there are countless examples of heroic figures (whose performances, achievements, cultural currency and economic value have waned) who consciously embroil themselves in the star system, and subsequently slide into a less flattering notoriety, having been singled out for tabloid treatment by the more sensationalist and exploitative tentacles of the popular media. For instance, the tumultuous celebrity odysseys of a number of the sporting figures discussed in later chapters (i.e. Dennis Rodman, David Beckham, Diego Maradona), vividly illustrate the fluidity and instability of contemporary celebrityhood. Although our focus is on the contemporary sport celebrity, it is important to note that the public individual, in all its various guises, is certainly not a recent cultural innovation. Aspects of celebrityhood are discernible among the remnants of the most ancient civilizations. For instance, the god-kings of ancient Egypt had their very beings monumentalized through the medium of the built environment, while the Egyptian masses toiled in historical anonymity. More recently, in sixteenth-century Europe the aristocracy had their imaged likenesses captured for posterity by the professional portrait painters that roamed the continent in search of commissions (McCracken, 1988). What is 2
INTRODUCTION new about contemporary culture is the scale and scope with which variously celebrated individuals infuse and inform every facet of everyday existence. At least partially, this can be attributed to the spread and sophistication of mass media technology over the past four centuries. The successive emergence of formal portraiture, printed engraving, the newspaper, photography, cinema, radio, television, and most recently the Internet, has brought with it a progressive expansion and intensification of human imagery within the cultural realm (Braudy, 1997). In the post-World War II era television revolutionized visual culture, providing heretofore unimagined depictions of the famous and the infamous, the celebrated and the obscure. This prompted Andy Warhol's sardonic prophesy that: "In the future everyone will be famous for 15 minutes." As we enter the twenty-first century, to some degree Warhol's prophesy has been superseded. A web page and digital camera are all that are required to provide instantaneous and continuous public access to even the most mundane lives (Jennicam being one of the earliest and most notorious of these celebrity start-ups). The anointing (or perhaps more accurately celebration) of anyone possessing the merest semblance of public visibility, regardless of its derivation or societal import, has led to what Braudy described as the "democratization of fame" (1997, pp. 548­9). Yet, while democratized and diluted, there continues to exist a hierarchy of celebrityhood, measured in terms of cultural penetration and endurance. The highly personalized topography of today's media culture has its roots in the early twentieth century, even though the incipient visual technologies of the time (particularly the silent film and nickelodeon) initially promoted the novelty of the new media without any reference to the actors involved (Gamson, 1994). However, actors in the early cinema did not remain anonymous for long. In response to the audience's evident predilection for particular players, filmmakers soon recognized the commercial benefits derived from producing films that were as much vehicles for specific performers, as they were cinematic narratives in their own right: thus, the Hollywood star system was born (deCordova, 1991). The accompanying appearance of the cinema newsreel also provided a forum for the general public to develop more intimate, visually informed, relationships with an array of public personalities (royalty, politicians, labor leaders, religious figures, athletes, singers, as well as actors), many of whom had previously been distinctly vague figures within the popular imagination. The production of mass-mediated public individuals during the course of the twentieth century was ever more accelerated with the rapid dissemination of television during the 1950s. Within a remarkably short space of time, television ownership reached critical mass and usurped the newspaper, radio, and cinema, as the most influential medium of Mass Communication. Invoking McLuhan's somewhat clichйd, but still insightful, notion that "the medium is the message" (McLuhan, 1964), television sprang forth as a mass medium whose focus on readily identifiable human figures ­ with whom an audience is encouraged to develop a faux intimacy ­ increased the physiognomic vocabulary, and 3
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON expectancy, of the general audience. As Giulianotti noted, "The role of the media in promoting stardom and celebrity status is critical and reciprocal for the biggest medium of all" (1999, p. 118). With the dominance of the individualizing production aesthetic of the new "television culture" (Fiske, 1987), the identification, nurturing, exposition, celebration, and/or castigation of public individuals became a core constituent of the popular media universe: "everyone is involved in either producing or consuming celebrities. Through TV advertisements, restaurant openings, charity balls, trade shows, and sports events, our lives are celebrity saturated" (Rein et al., 1997, p. x). Within this context, diverse arenas such as politics, religion, commerce, the judiciary, sport, and virtually all other forms of entertainment, have cultivated their own celebrity economies. As a consequence, social institutions, practices, and issues are principally represented to, and understood within, the popular imagination through the actions of celebrated individuals. Contemporary celebrity culture's constitutive link with consumer capitalism is most visibly evidenced by the dual role occupied by celebrities as both products (the preponderance of celebrity-driven media and commodities) and processes (the pre-eminence of celebrity endorsement) within the dominant, symbolically propelled, regime of capital accumulation underpinning the late capitalist economy (Jameson, 1991; Marshall, 1997). Although at one point in time the emergence of celebrity figures was a haphazard and arbitrary voyage of discovery, today the process is considerably more proactive in its focus on the cultivation of potential celebrities. Indeed, the celebrity industry (the institutions and individuals responsible for the manufacturing of celebrity identities) has evolved into a multi-faceted, integrated, and highly rationalized phenomenon through which "people can be manufactured into, and marketed as, celebrities in any field" (Rein et al., 1997, p. 5). The premeditated nature of contemporary celebrity is outlined in Rein et al.'s descriptive explication of the celebrity industry: High Visibility: The Making and Marketing of Professionals into Celebrities. Rein et al. identify eight interrelated industries which contribute to the manufacturing of celebrity: the representation industry; the endorsement industry; the publicity industry; the communication industry; the entertainment industry; the coaching industry; the legal industry; and the appearance industry. The optimum goal of this celebrity-making process is for the individual, and his/her representatives, to harmoniously orchestrate the various industrial facets of cultural production, and thereby foster a consistent and highly visible celebrity identity. Despite synergistic ties that blur the boundaries between the various armatures of the culture industries, it would be erroneous to assume that many of them do not still possess a considerable degree of autonomy. In this regard the celebrity is very much "a negotiated terrain of significance" (Marshall, 1997, p. 47). The various facets of the new media complex (network, cable, and satellite television; cinema; radio; newspapers; magazines; and websites, etc.) interface in 4
INTRODUCTION varied, and variable, ways (ranging from the collusive, through the parasitic, to the antithetic) to substantiate the necessarily intertextual demeanor of contemporary celebrityhood. Significantly, the inability to control the manner in which many mass media channels choose to represent celebrities frequently results in the circulation of conflicting messages. These often contradict the intended imaged persona as scripted by the more collusive components of the celebrity manufacturing process. Similarly, even the most carefully laid plans of cultural producers are frequently derailed by the unscripted, unpredictable, and often scandalous, exploits of celebrities in process. Such behaviors range from the trivial (a failure to fulfill contractual obligations with a corporate sponsor) to the consequential (drug use, violent or sexual assault), of which the latter can fatally undermine even the most culturally and commercially entrenched celebrity persona. As with any cultural product, there is also no guarantee that celebrities will be consumed in the manner intended by those orchestrating the manufacturing process. Audiences are far from homogeneous entities, and consumers habitually display contrasting expressions of celebrity appropriation according to the cultural, political, and economic contingencies of their social location (Hall, 1980; Johnson, 1987). Given their contested nature, those within the celebrity industry seek to manufacture celebrity identities which acknowledge, and seek to engage, the perceived sensibilities of the audience(s) in question. As such, celebrities are crafted as contextually sensitive points of cultural negotiation, between those controlling the dominant modes and mechanisms of cultural production, and their perceptions of the audience's practices of cultural reception. The celebrity is thus, at any given conjuncture, a potentially potent "representative subjectivity" (source of cultural identification) pertaining to the "collective configurations" (social class, gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, age, nationality) through which individuals fashion their very existence (Marshall, 1997, pp. xi, xii). Despite its contemporaneous importance, only relatively recently ­ arguably since the cultural turn initiated in the social sciences during the 1970s ­ has the academic community taken a concerted interest in critically analyzing the celebrity phenomenon (cf. Dyer, 1979, 1986; Gamson, 1994; Gledhill, 1991; Marshall, 1997; Schwichtenberg, 1993; Smith, 1993). While there has been at least some recognition of the cultural significance of celebrities within the realms of music, film, art, or politics, the ubiquitous and expansive economy of sport celebrities which invades our daily lives has not generated the same degree of interest among critical cultural commentators (for recent exceptions to this neglect see (Altimore, 1999; Baker and Boyd, 1997; Birrell and McDonald, 2000; Cole and Hribar, 1995; Holt et al., 1996; King, 1993; Rowe, 1994; Vande Berg, 1998) and especially (Whannel, 1992; 1998; 1999; 2000). Thus, and as formulaic a rationale for this project as it may sound, a comprehensive and critical study of sporting celebrities is nonetheless long overdue. 5
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON According to many observers, the era of the modern sport celebrity began with William Randolph Hearst's establishing of the first newspaper sport section within The New York Journal in 1895. This popular initiative soon spawned imitations in numerous national settings, and provided a mechanism and forum for the transformation of notable athletes into nationally celebrated figures: a process of familiarization which ­ given the public's voracious interest in gaining a more intimate knowledge of their nascent sport stars ­ evolved as an effective means of increasing newspaper circulation. Hence, figures such as the English cricketer W.G. Grace, the Welsh Rugby union player Gwyn Nicholls, and the American jockey Tod Sloan, all sprang to national prominence around this time, and could be considered among the first modern sport celebrities (see Dizikes, 2000; Rae, 1999; Williams, 1991). The next stage in the evolution of the sport celebrity can be traced to the mid-1920s, and is exemplified by the popularizing of Harold "Red" Grange, the University of Illinois and Chicago Bear running back. Perhaps most significant in this process was the influence of the legendary sports journalist, Grantland Rice, and his newsreel reporting competitors, who mythologized Grange's pyrrhic exploits to the estimated 60 million Americans then visiting movie houses each week (Carroll, 1999; Harper, 1994; 1999). As Rader (1983, p. 11) noted, Grange was one of a coterie of skillfully promoted sporting figures at this time (others included Babe Ruth, Jack Dempsey, Bobby Jones, and Bill Tilden) elevated to the status of popular "compensatory" heroes, through their imaged personas which helped assuage public anxieties pertaining to the "passing of the traditional dream of success, the erosion of Victorian values and feelings of powerlessness." Grange was able to financially capitalize upon his great popularity as the "Galloping Ghost" by hawking his iconic identity to corporations within America's burgeoning consumer economy. However, his contemporary, the legendary baseball player George Herman "Babe" Ruth, most successfully translated astounding on-field performances into lucrative off-field appearance and sponsorship contracts. Ruth's larger-than-life persona (both on and off the baseball diamond) lent itself to the lionizing sensibilities of the newspaper and newsreel coverage of the time, to the extent that Ruthian became an adjective used to describe individual success, heroism, and style (Susman, 1984). The popular media rendered Ruth an "idol of consumption" (Lowenthal, 1961) by keying on his celebrated gluttony and extravagance, thus articulating a populist vision of what Americans could and should expect from their burgeoning consumer culture. Ruth possessed an unrivalled: capacity to project multiple images of brute power, the natural uninhibited man and the fulfillment of the American success dream. Ruth was living proof that the lone individual could still rise from mean, vulgar beginnings to fame and fortune, to a position of public recognition equalled by few men in American history. (Rader, 1983, p. 12) 6
INTRODUCTION Given his populist aura, a myriad of commercial entities sought to secure Ruth's services as a spokesperson for their products, and he became the prototypical sport celebrity endorser: a figure and role that possess continued relevance to today's $324 billion global sport industry (Meeks, 1997), as evidenced by the fact that sport celebrity endorsers were present in 11 percent of all television advertisements in 1995, receiving more than $1 billion dollars from US companies for their services (Dyson and Turco, 1998). The nature and influence of the sport celebrity were elevated to a considerably higher plane in the post-World War II era with the advent of a postmodern "civilization of the image" (Kearney, 1989), instantiated by the widespread adoption of televisual communications technology. Television's innate predilection for human intimacy, coupled with live sport's telegenic qualities (the drama of the uncertain outcome played out by a cast of definable characters), secured sport's place in the schedule during the early years of network television, and bred a new generation of television sport heroes such as Arnold Palmer, Mickey Mantle, and Joe Namath. In the intervening decades, the ever more collusive relationship between television and sport profoundly influenced the tenor of popular sport culture, such that sport is now "basically media-driven celebrity entertainment" (Pierce, 1995, p. 185). Sports are customarily structured, marketed, mediated, and experienced, as contests between identifiable individuals (or groups of individuals) with whom the audience is expected to possess (or develop) some kind of affective attachment. As Whannel (1998, p. 23) has identified, "Sport is presented largely in terms of stars and narratives: the media narrativises the events of sport, transforming them into stories with stars and characters; heroes and villains." Or, in Lusted's (1991, p. 251) terms, if "Personalities are central to the institution of television", they are even more central to the institution and era of televized sport. Given the centrality of noteworthy individuals to the constitution and experience of contemporary sport culture, it is little wonder that a thriving sport celebrity industry has come to the fore. Headed by such mega-agencies as IMG, Octagon, and SFX, the manufacturing of sport celebrities has become a highly systematized, almost McDonaldized (Ritzer, 1998) process. The postmodern disposition toward the blurring of institutional boundaries has meant the spheres within which sport celebrities operate as cultural and economic agents have broadened beyond those of the playing field and the corporate endorsement. Indeed, the "sports superstar ... has sufficient prominence ... to spin off into the wider realm of popular entertainment" (Rowe, 1995, pp. 117­18), and is liable to appear in commercial settings ranging from ghosted autobiographies, to television situation comedies, talk shows, mainstream movies, popular music recordings, animated video games, and websites. So, within today's multilayered "promotional culture" (Wernick, 1991), the sport celebrity is effectively a multi-textual and multi-platform promotional entity. Without question sporting celebrity possesses numerous qualities that distinguish it from the imaged embodiments of other cultural realms. On a positive 7
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON note, as a celebrity domain there are certain tangible benefits derived from sport's historically configured social positioning and implicit structure. First, when positioned against other celebrity formations (within which inherited wealth and status frequently play an important role), sport is considered to be fundamentally meritocratic. Sport celebrity then becomes the assumed corollary of performative excellence: The cultural illusion is fostered that, one day, the "ordinary but special" individual consumer may realize his or her unique qualities, and join the ever-changing pantheon of celebrities. Sport has a particularly potent role to play within this ideological formation. (Giulianotti, 1999, pp. 118­19) In true neo-liberal fashion, the ascent to sport celebrityhood is habitually reduced to individual qualities such as innate talent, dedication, and good fortune, thus positioning the sport star as a deserved benefactor of his/her devotion to succeed within the popular imaginary. Second, sport is a uniquely valued cultural practice: "Only sports has the nation, and sometimes the world, watching the same thing at the same time, and if you have a message, that's a potent messenger" (Singer, 1998, quoted in Rowe, 1999, p. 74). Although by no means guaranteed, sport figures are likely to possess a heightened presence and affection within popular consciousness, making the transition to potent celebrityhood that much easier. Third, in the cinematic and popular music industries, individual performers routinely adopt fictive identities within their primary performative realms (e.g. films and music videos). Conversely, in sport, there is a perception that spectators/viewers are confronted with real individuals participating in unpredictable contests. Hence, the seeming visceral, dramatic immediacy of the sport practice provides the sport celebrity with an important veneer of authenticity, that sets him or her apart from celebrities drawn from other, more explicitly manufactured, cultural realms. More problematically, sport also incorporates a host of idiosyncratic instabilities that can impact upon the process of celebrity manufacture. For instance in most ­ but not all ­ cases, sport celebrities emerge and endure due to continued excellence within their respective fields of endeavor. This represents an added layer of instability for those managing sport celebrity, since carefully scripted and heavily invested imaged personas can potentially be compromised by declines in performative function, or even individual failures on the field of play. In addition, off-the-field indiscretions can also play a role in undermining the personal narrative associated with a particular sport celebrity (the classic example being O.J. Simpson, see Johnson and Roediger, 1997). Of course there are plentiful examples of where, sometimes catastrophic, failures in competition have been used as part of a (re)imaged identity, thus demonstrating the damage limitation potential of the postmodern celebrity industry. This was evidenced with the lauded decathlete, Dan O'Brien's failure 8
INTRODUCTION to qualify for the 1992 Barcelona Summer Olympic Games, which prompted a humorous new direction for the $25 million Dan v Dave (Johnson) Reebok campaign. In a similar vein, the perhaps less renowned Stuart Pearce, Chris Waddle, and Gareth Southgate ­ all responsible for missing vital penalty kicks for England in major football tournaments ­ subsequently appeared in a series of Pizza Hut commercials. There are even rare examples of where sustained sporting incompetence has proved the basis for an individual's notoriety. The classic example of this is the British ski-jumper, Eddie "the Eagle" Edwards, whose daring exploits ­ for one so athletically limited ­ at the 1988 Calgary Winter Olympic Games garnered him worldwide notoriety. Similarly, but to perhaps less commercial effect, Eric Moussambani and Paula Barila competed for Equatorial Guinea in swimming at the 2000 Sydney Summer Olympic Games, despite their evident inexperience in the water. The duo became instant global celebrities as the world's media somewhat patronizingly, and wholly hypocritically, lionized them for demonstrating the true Olympic spirit in an age of cynical commercialism. In summation, this anthology comprises a collection of essays that ­ both individually and in unison ­ acknowledge the complex and varied roles that contemporary sport celebrities occupy as athletic laborers, entertainers, marketable commodities, role models, and political figures, within an increasingly global cultural economy. As such, the anthology provides a unique insight into what Rowe (1999) described as the "unruly trinity" of commercial sport, the entertainment media, and late capitalist culture. To that end, this anthology is underpinned by the notion of the sport celebrity as a product of commercial culture, imbued with symbolic values, which seek to stimulate desire and identification among the consuming populace. In explicating the social significance of sport celebrities as culturally and politically resonant entities, the progressive intellectual project implicit within this anthology seeks to counter the economic fetishism and blind populism frequently associated with celebrity consumption. This anthology thus could thus be considered a corroborative response to McDonald and Birrell's call to critical interpretive arms: We advocate focusing on a particular incident or celebrity as the site for exploring the complex interrelated and fluid character of power relations as they are constituted along the axes of ability, class, gender, and nationality. Each cultural incident offers a unique site for understanding specific articulations of power ... Thus these analyses traverse the boundaries between lived experience, knowledge production, and political practices. (1999, p. 284) Evidently, the various contributors to this book are united in their concern with the power of celebrity (Marshall, 1997) and how particular, contextually 9
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON grounded, subjectivities are articulated on, and through, individual sport stars. Differently put, this entire project is premised on the notion of sport celebrities as contextually informed discursive subjectivities, or "Emblematic individuals" (Braudy, 1997, p. 601), that act as "channeling" devices for the "negotiation of cultural space and position for the entire culture" (Marshall, 1997, p. 49). As representative subjectivities (ibid.), contemporary sport celebrities function as contextually negotiated "embodiments of the social categories in which people are placed and through which they have to make sense of their lives" (Dyer, 1986, p. 18). So, the chapters within this collection examine their chosen sport celebrities as manufactured elements of public culture, that consciously make visible individual personalities and practices in ways that seek to engage and inform private experience. The sixteen analyses comprising this anthology excavate the often submerged politics of sport celebrity that contribute to the normalization of particular meanings, identities, and experiences within various national cultures (i.e. the UK, the USA, Canada, Pakistan, Australia, Japan, the West Indies, and Argentina). However, whether implicitly or explicitly, all the chapters herein demonstrate the national resonance of sport celebrities. Yet, the complexity of celebrity identities means that the sport figures under scrutiny are constituted by, and contribute to the constitution of, multiple representative subject positions: although grounded in the national context, sport celebrities almost unavoidably mobilize other collective configurations (Marshall, 1997, p. xii). This fact has consequential ramifications for the structure of this anthology. In many ways it would be neater if celebrities were singular entities, since then the chapters could be grouped into distinct sections each focused on a specific identity category (i.e. class, gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, or nation). The inherent plurality of sport celebrityhood renders this stratagem wholly artificial and inadequate. Of course, each chapter can be read as a distinct entity, in and of itself. However, we have attempted to sequence the chapters in accordance to the logic and instances of celebrity multiplicity and affinity. For this reason, the following chapter summaries take on added importance, since they indicate the continuities ­ and indeed discontinuities ­ between the respective sport celebrities that prompted the precise ordering of the chapters. In a book concerned with contemporary sport celebrityhood it would be difficult for the opening chapter to be focused on anyone other than American basketball star, Michael Jordan. So, in Chapter 1, Mary McDonald and David Andrews identify Jordan as the quintessential late capitalist sport celebrity. This charge is attributed to the influence of major corporations (particularly Nike) in the intertextual fabrication of his public persona in accordance with the pervasive American ideals of rugged individualism and personal perseverance. McDonald and Andrews' discussion points to the complex racial politics mobilized by Jordan's articulation as a seductive All (African) American hero. However, they also outline how his mediated identity evokes contextually specific gender and familial discourses through which Jordan, the family man, 10
INTRODUCTION came to embody what could be described as a compassionate masculinity. This subject positioning further facilitated his American hero status, by positioning him in stark relief against the more stereotypically pejorative representations of African American manhood that continue to flourish within the American popular media. Finally, the authors broaden the context of theIR analysis to illustrate the contrasting ways in which Jordan's unself-consciously American celebrity has been received within diverse national cultural settings. In Chapter 2, Mйlisse Lafrance and Geneviиve Rail encounter a sport celebrity, American basketball player Dennis Rodman, considered by many to be the anti-Jordan. Their analysis actually unearths numerous similarities between Rodman and Jordan, particularly in terms of the way their ­ differentially represented ­ black bodies both contribute to reinforcing dominant racial discourses. The authors demonstrate how Rodman's exaggerated presentation of self, as a transgressive being, belies the inherent limits of his potential as a culturally and politically subversive agent. Rodman's promotional persona actually legitimates mainstream (white, masculinist, heterosexist) American fears and fantasies relating to expressions of race, gender, and sexuality. Lafrance and Rail charge that Rodman effectively perpetuates racist ­ yet widely held ­ notions pertaining to the pathological black family, and the deviant, hyper-sexual, and animalistic black male. As such, Rodman's commercial appropriation by numerous multinational corporations is highly understandable, since his very celebrity ­ despite its subversive veneer ­ actually reinscribes many of the questionable conventions underpinning consumer capitalism. The first two chapters tackle sport celebrities with contrasting, yet similar, relations to dominant discourses of Black American masculinity. In Chapter 3, Kyle Kusz identifies how the shifting generational categorization "Generation X'' ­ the derogatory early 1990s' narrative used to personify the perceived crisis of white, American, masculine youth ­ has framed American tennis star Andre Agassi's protean imaged identity. The author illustrates how Agassi's celebrity identity went from being the embodied emblem of the "Generation X" slacker discourse, to contributing toward its neutered reinvention. In the early phases of his celebrity career, Agassi was portrayed as displaying a poor work ethic, being lazy, and lacking sufficient personal will: all deficiencies characteristic of the slacker. Agassi's subsequent hard-earned victories on the tennis court problematized his slacker identity, and prompted the mass mediation of a new Agassi who exuded more traditionally valorized personal traits such as hard work, achievement, and determination. Thus, Kusz explicates how Agassi, the onetime cultural rebel, ultimately contributed to the reinscription and normalizing of expressly more conservative renditions of white American masculinity, just as "Generation X" discourse became re-articulated around notions of equally docile and productive bodies. Like Agassi, golf phenomenon Tiger Woods' commodified celebrity is closely connected to a perceived crisis in American culture. In Chapter 4 C.L. Cole and David Andrews elucidate how Woods' public image has evolved in response to 11
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON the widely felt fears and anxieties related to the anticipation of a post-white American future. Through the voluminous popular discourse of "Tigermania," Woods has been lauded as a brazenly multi-cultural being, whose very presence seemingly assuages the racial inequities of America's past­future, and the multiracial crisis of its future­present. Woods, the authors contend, thus corroborates the regressive anti-affirmative action and white victim masculinity ideologies, both of which disavow the enduring influence of race-based discrimination. Hence, Woods has become a seductive agent in the dissemination of a postCivil Rights American mythology that serves to confirm, rather than confound, the white cultural dominance upon which the nation was founded. Following on from the discussion of Woods, in Chapter 5, Nancy Spencer considers tennis starlet Venus Williams, another American athlete apparently breaking down the barriers of racial exclusion in what was once an exclusively white sport. Despite Williams' very presence providing a compelling veneer of racial tolerance within the tennis world, the author identifies how coded racist references continue to punctuate the media's narrativizing of Williams' rise to tennis prominence. These troubling allusions to race were first engaged when the popular media sought to explain Williams' emergence; a narrative which remains anchored in ghetto discourse, despite the actuality of Williams' experience. Subsequently, through Williams' focused on-court demeanor, deemed unpalatable by many, she assumed the burden of representing the African American populace in toto. Williams' very presence within the upper echelons of professional tennis roused wider cultural fears and anxieties about affirmative action policies ­ and their effects on the racial reconstitution of traditionally white cultural spaces ­ which manifest themselves in a pernicious vein of aggressive reportage within the mainstream media. Spencer even asserts that the media's more positive recent representation of her celebrity persona, in the light of a string of outstanding performances, posits her like Jordan, and Woods, as a figure whose success effectively obscures the racism that continues to hinder the life chances of people of color in the United States. Shifting the discussion to a different national cultural context, Ben Carrington, in Chapter 6, dissects footballer Ian Wright's mediated persona within the context of multicultural Britain. In charting Wright's career in the media spotlight, from player to talk show presenter, the discussion attributes his widespread popularity to his expression of an enduring and confident affiliation with his working-class background. Wright's demonstrative association with the British cultural mainstream results in a spectacle which both sanctions his racial Othering, while simultaneously allowing an equally unapologetic form of black expressive behavior. Ultimately, Carrington is critical of the tentative shift towards the version of black Englishness that Wright has come to represent, largely because this postmodern blackness has submitted itself to the neutering governmentality of consumer culture. While advancing an image of "black coolness" tied to a resistant black politics, as a commercial entity Wright effectively aestheticizes black radicalism by appropriating it as an accoutrement to his indi- 12
INTRODUCTION vidual and masculinist style. In the end, Carrington suggests, Wright actually serves to depoliticize the very same black radicalism which he superficially endorses, and thus contributes to the evacuation of the political context of black culture in general, and black sport culture in particular, as a potentially transformative sphere. In Chapter 7, Richard Giulianotti and Michael Gerrard focus on football maverick Paul Gascoigne, another icon of 1990s' British football culture. Gascoigne's career has encompassed periods of wildly inspirational and imaginative play, and equally creative recreation pursuits, both of which greatly endeared him to the general populace. However, as the authors indicate, although such exploits may have contributed to the commercial reinvention of English football during the decade, and bolstered some of the less palatable, masculinist elements of English nationalism, the "Gazza" mythology cannot be reduced to these external forces. Rather, Giulianotti and Gerrard attribute his longevity and presence within the popular imaginary to Gascoigne's affective appeal as an expressive and excessive individual (both on and off the field). They even construe the assaults on his wife to be genuinely uncontrolled behaviors, that nonetheless align with the rest of his unpredictable persona. In true postmodern vein, Gascoigne's celebrity identity shuns meta-narrativizing into a neat category of representative subjectivity, as he inhabits a panoply of discontinuous discourses that provide the Baudrillardian masses with no coherence or meaning, just delight in the depthless exuberance of the playful aesthete. Staying with English football, in Chapter 8 Garry Whannel portrays David Beckham as a self-referentially and intertextually constructed celebrity. The popular media is cited as turning Beckham's career into a de facto masculine morality play, within which he has sequentially been celebrated for his early playing promise; feminized and emasculated for failing to follow masculine aesthetic conventions; pilloried for indiscretions on the field; humiliated for his allegedly questionable intellect; and redeemed due to his continued playing excellence routinely tied to his maturation, and thereby remasculination, as a "family man." Beckham and his wife Victoria Adams (aka Posh Spice), are subsequently identified as figures trapped in a self-generating vortex of publicity primarily focused on their varied displays of conspicuous consumption. As such, the popular media seem more interested in Beckham's status as an idol of personal consumption, rather than his role as an outstanding footballer. As Whannel notes, due to the blurring of the boundaries between lifestyle and career, between private and public domains, Beckham is decentered from his primary performative domain, and emerges as the archetypal postmodern sport celebrity known as much for his well-knownness as for any concrete sporting achievement. Although Beckham commands a significant presence within English popular culture, he is not a figure who has been elevated to the status of a national icon: someone inhabiting a special and protected position within the national imaginary. 13
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON The same cannot be said for footballer Diego Maradona whose status as a national hero in Argentina is interrogated by Eduardo Archetti in Chapter 9. The author notes that Maradona's meaning and influence, as with any heroic sports figure, can only be understood within the cultural context in which he/she operates. In Maradona's case, his nomadic football career has seen him engage local, national, and supra-national constituencies. However, Archetti is primarily concerned with Maradona's relationship to discourses of Argentinian football identity and style. This masculine national rhetoric is spatialized through the potrero (the small areas of either rural or urban wasteland on which impromptu games are played) and personified by the pibe (a young player responsible for developing an effortless, individualistic, and undisciplined, or criollo, style of play). Archetti identifies how the social stereotype of the pibe has reached its apotheosis in the form of Maradona, whose triumphs and tragedies, strengths and failings, have secured him a mythical position within the Argentinian popular imaginary. As such, the Maradona mythology is inextricably related to a system of national cultural differences, through which Argentinian identity continues to be spatialized, imagined, and experienced. Archetti demonstrates how the various crises in Maradona's career came to be understood through an evocative figuration of Argentinian national identity, thereby underscoring his national iconic status. Conversely, in Chapter 10, Steven Jackson relates how a crisis of Canadian national identity in the late 1980s shaped the popular representation and perception of ice hockey great Wayne Gretzky's exploits at this time, both on and off the ice. In 1988 Canada was gripped by an economic and cultural panic related to the impending signing of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the United States. To many, the FTA represented the latest expression of American cultural and economic colonization, and brought questions related to the future of Canadian culture, identity, and sovereignty to the fore. Within the context of this threat of Americanization, Gretzky, the "All-Canadian" hero, did the unthinkable. Twice. Not only did he marry an American (the actress Janet Jones), he was also subsequently traded from the Edmonton Oilers to an American franchise (the Los Angeles Kings). Jackson documents how, given Gretzky's footing as a national emblem, his marriage and trade came to be understood through the contemporaneous discourse of national crisis. Moreover, he illustrates how highly visible sport celebrities are necessarily implicated in a dialectic interplay with the national cultural context in which they are immersed. In Chapter 11, Hajime Hirai explores the career of Japanese baseball player Hideo Nomo, another migrant athlete whose relocation to the United States became a point of cultural contention within his native land. In 1995, Nomo was released from his contract with the Kintetsu Buffaloes, and was free to sign with the Los Angeles Dodgers. Nomo's move to the United States, and initial successes, stirred debate within Japan reflecting broadly held values of aspiration and achievement, as well as more circumspect consideration of the ramifications of the global mobility he had come to represent. The author 14
INTRODUCTION demonstrates how Nomo's decline and subsequent revival were similarly articulated according to the behests of contemporary cultural discourses, specifically those focused on the trials and tribulations of workers within a post-industrial Japan wracked by economic insecurity. Within this context, Nomo was lauded in Japan for being a determined figure who overcame hardship to succeed at his chosen profession. Hirai goes on to show Nomo's ascribed stature as a global celebrity represents a source of national pride for the Japanese populace, despite his stated indifference to himself being more than a regular baseball player. Furthering the discussion of sport stars' mobility across national boundaries, in Chapter 12, Michael Giardina focuses on tennis player Martina Hingis as an exemplar of transnational celebrityhood. Born in the Czech Republic (then Czechoslovakia), raised in Switzerland, now largely domiciled in the United States, but fully involved in the global women's professional tennis circuit, Hingis' life has indeed been an exercise in border crossing. More than her physical migrations, and propelled by machinations of global corporate capitalism, the symbolic elements of Hingis' celebrity have traversed the globe to significant effect. Unlike most of the sport celebrities discussed in this anthology, Hingis' promotional persona operates in different settings within which she projects equally divergent meanings. This is attributable to the eminent malleability of her mediated image, in terms of its ability to appeal to highly localized cultural meanings and desires. Giardina demonstrates that, as a flexible citizen, Hingis is able to project caricatured embodiments of Swiss, European, and American values dependent on the context of consumption. Consequently, her transnational positioning and appeal render Hingis a highly productive and prophetic instrument of the ascendant global capitalist order. In Chapter 13, John Bale introduces a more explicitly politicized domain of celebrityhood, to varying degrees removed from the realm and influence of corporate capitalism: that of the postcolonial athlete. To that end, he focuses on Kenyan middle distance runners, Nyandika Maiyoro and Kipchoge Keino, whose careers spanned the 1950s to early 1960s and 1960s to early 1970s respectively. The author identifies Maiyoro and Keino to be among the first postcolonial athletes, not because their actions encompassed intentional political resistance against a colonizing power or its legacy, rather because their very presence and performances transgressed conventional, Western, ways of writing and thinking about the black body. Bale ponders the manner in which the Occidental gaze came to represent Maiyoro's, and particularly Keino's, outstanding achievements on the world stage. He identifies a peculiar ambivalence within the popular media discourses that enveloped these athletes, characterized by tropes of surveillance, appropriation, idealization, and negation. Hence, as colonized athletes represented by the rhetoric of the colonizer, Maiyoro and Keino offered discursive subjectivities that both assuaged postimperial angst, as they provided inspiration for the athletes of post-independence Africa. 15
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON Moving on to a more contemporary postcolonial athlete, and certainly one with a more explicit political agenda, in Chapter 14, Peter Corrigan explores the career of Pakistani cricketer Imran Khan. Born into Pakistan's highly educated elite, Khan's move into national politics was wholly predictable. This was particularly true since his cricket career had provided him with a rigorous apprenticeship, and considerable popular presence, within the public domain. Corrigan analyses the manner in which Khan represented himself, and his ideas, to the Pakistani populace in a number of texts: autobiographies; travel books; and interviews. Through these texts, Khan legitimized himself as a political leader by delineating his noble line of descent (positioning himself as the embodied intersection of two ancient and noble families). On numerous occasions within his writings, Khan appropriated the differentiation and solidarity he experienced within the colonially and racially implicated international cricket order, as interpretive vehicles for framing his empirically grounded political philosophy. Thus, he outlined his strident championing of the impoverished and underserved within Pakistan, and his commitment to the interwoven institutions of Pakistan nationhood and Islam. Khan's transformation from postcolonial athlete to postcolonial politician was undoubtedly eased due to his highly visible cricketing persona. Indeed, as Corrigan concludes, such were the national, class, and familial expectations of him, it is doubtful whether he would have been able to avoid his move into public service. Excavating the more troubling aspects of postcoloniality within the age of global capitalism, in Chapter 15, Hilary Beckles contemplates the contradictory figure of West Indian cricketer Brian Lara. As his record attests, Lara is one of the greatest batsmen the world of cricket has ever seen. Nevertheless, he is by no means widely revered within the West Indies. Indeed, in a time when the nation's cricketing performances have dramatically slumped, Lara serves to deeply divide public opinion with regard to his impact upon West Indian cricket. To many, he is an arrogant and egocentric individual whose achievements are motivated by the desire for personal gain. As such he simply cannot be thought of among the inventory of historic West Indian cricketing icons, whose exploits and images served to provide a collective bond to the formative West Indian state. To others, Lara is an iconic figure whose entrepreneurial attainments point to the possibility of West Indian success within the contemporary global corporate economy. As Beckles indicates, Lara's ability to cleave public opinion can only be understood within the context of the broader debate pertaining to the various crises facing postcolonial West Indies. For, in the age of globalization, West Indian cultural, economic, and political union appears in tatters, dissected by the disaggregating influence of global financial agencies more interested in regional exploitation than national integration. Lara's very being is thus negatively judged by many according to the dictates of an earlier, more optimistic and contained, stage in the evolution of the postcolonial nation. When, in actuality, he perhaps points to a more expansive vision of West Indian possibility and engagement with the global economy. 16
INTRODUCTION Finally, in Chapter 16, Toni Bruce and Christopher Hallinan portray a more superficially cohesive postcolonial figure, in the guise of Australian track star Cathy Freeman. Over the past decade Freeman, who is of Aboriginal descent, has been celebrated as the new face of Australia by the nation's popular media. Freeman's status as an evocative national icon was forever confirmed with her victory in the 400m at the 2000 Sydney Olympic Games: a happening which seemingly captured the attention, and harnessed the emotion, of the entire nation. Australia's anointing of Freeman ­ the Aboriginal Other ­ would indicate a degree of reconciliation and accord between the Indigenous inhabitants and the successive waves of non-Indigenous immigrants, whose uneasy combination constitutes the Australian populace. Certainly, and immeasurably influenced by Freeman's cultural exploits and presence, postcolonial Australia's national identity would appear considerably more ethnically inclusive, and diverse, than its colonial predecessor. However, the postcolonial experience may be considerably different. Despite the nationalistic euphoria that enveloped Freeman, and the political possibilities of the Australian hybridity that she could potentially represent, Bruce and Hallinan pinpoint the pitfalls associated with the superficial embracing of people of color. Specifically, they identify the perils of self-congratulatorily celebrating Freeman as evidence of the disappearance of structurally based racial inequality, when in actuality the oppression of Indigenous peoples continues largely unchecked. Bibliography Altimore, M. (1999) ``Gentleman athlete'': Joe DiMaggio and the celebration and submergence of ethnicity. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 34(4), 359­68. Baker, A. and Boyd, T. (eds) (1997) Out of Bounds: Sports, Media, and the Politics of Identity. Bloomington, IA: Indiana University Press. Bell, E. and Campbell, D. (1999: May 23) For the love of money. The Observer, p. 22. Birrell, S. and McDonald, M.G. (eds) (2000) Reading Sport: Critical Essays on Power and Representation. Boston: Northeastern University Press. Boorstin, D.J. (1992) The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-events in America. New York: Random House. Braudy, L. (1997) The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and its History. New York: Vintage. Carroll, J.M. (1999). Red Grange and the Rise of Modern Football. Urbana, IL: Univer- sity of Illinois. Cole, C.L. and Hribar, A.S. (1995) Celebrity feminism: Nike Style ­ post-Fordism, tran- scendence, and consumer power. Sociology of Sport Journal, 12 (4), 347­69. deCordova, R. (1991) The emergence of the star system in America. In C. Gledhill (ed.), Stardom: Industry of Desire (pp. 17­29). London: Routledge. Dizikes, J. (2000) Yankee Doodle Dandy: The Life and Times of Tod Sloan. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Dyer, R. (1979) Stars. London: BFI Publishing. ---- (1986) Heavenly Bodies: Film Stars and Society. London: Macmillan. 17
DAVID L. ANDREWS AND STEVEN J. JACKSON Dyson, A. and Turco, D. (1998) The state of celebrity endorsement in sport. The CyberJournal of Sport Marketing. Fiske, J. (1987) Television Culture. London: Routledge. Gamson, J. (1994) Claims to Fame: Celebrity in Contemporary America. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Gitlin, T. (1998) The culture of celebrity. Dissent, (Summer), 81­4. Giulianotti, R. (1999) Football: A Sociology of the Global Game. Cambridge: Polity Press. Gledhill, C. (1991) Stardom: Industry of Desire. London: Routledge. Hall, S. (1980) Encoding/decoding. In S. Hall (ed.), Culture, Media, Language (pp. 128­38). London: Hutchinson. Harper, W.A. (1994) Grantland Rice and his Heroes: The Sportswriter as Mythmaker in the 1920s. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. ---- (1999) How You Played the Game: The Life of Grantland Rice. Columbia: University of Missouri Press. Holt, R., Mangan, J.A. and Lanfranchi, P. (eds) (1996) European Heroes: Myth, Identity, Sport. London: Frank Cass. Jameson, F. (1991) Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Durham, NC: DUKE UNIVERSITY Press. Johnson, L. and Roediger, D. (1997) "Hertz, don't it?" Becoming colorless and staying black in the crossover of O.J. Simpson. In T. Morrison and C. Brodsky Lacour (eds), Birth of a Nation'hood: Gaze, Script, and Spectacle in the O.J. Simpson Case (pp. 197­239). New York: Pantheon Books. Johnson, R. (1987) What is cultural studies anyway? Social Text, 6 (1), 38­79. Kearney, R. (1989) The Wake of the Imagination: Toward a Postmodern Culture. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. King, S. (1993) The politics of the body and the body politic: Magic Johnson and the ideology of AIDS. Sociology of Sport Journal, 10 (3), 270­85. Lowenthal, L. (1961) Literature, Popular Culture and Society. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Lusted, D. (1991) The glut of the personality. In C. Gledhill (ed.), Stardom: Industry of Desire (pp. 251­8). London: Routledge. McCracken, G. (1988) Culture and Consumption: New Approaches to the Symbolic Character of Consumer Goods. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. McDonald, M.G. and Birrell, S. (1999) Reading sport critically: a methodology for interrogating power. Sociology of Sport Journal, 16 (4), 283­300. McLuhan, M. (1964) Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. New York: Mentor. Marshall, P.D. (1997) Celebrity and Power: Fame in Contemporary Culture. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Meeks, A. (1997) An estimate of the size and supported economic activity of the sports industry in the United States. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 6 (4), 15­21. Monaco, J. (1978) Celebration. In J. Monaco (ed.), Celebrity. New York: Delta. Pierce, C.P. (1995). Master of the universe. GQ, April, 180­7. Rader, B.G. (1983) Compensatory sport heroes: Ruth, Grange and Dempsey. Journal of Popular Culture, 16 (4), 11­22. Rae, S. (1999) W.G. Grace: A Life. London: Faber & Faber. Rein, I., Kotler, P. and Stoller, M. (1997) High Visibility: The Making and Marketing of Professionals into Celebrities. Chicago: NTC Business Books. 18
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