The end of the sheep age: people and animals in the late Iron Age

Tags: Iron Age, Britain, Umberto Albarella, Elms Farm, cattle, settlement, Iron Age Britain, NISP, Enclosure, domestic fowl, Roman sites, British Iron Age, Danebury, animal husbandry, Tort Hill West Wardy Hill, Cotswolds Tom Moore, Tom Moore, Colin Haselgrove, Roman conquest, Umberto Albarella Consumption, Bibliography Albarella, Roman style, animal bones, London, Oxbow Books
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THE LATER IRON AGE IN BRITAIN AND BEYOND edited by Colin Haselgrove and Tom Moore Oxbow Books
Published by Oxbow Books, Park End Place, Oxford OX1 1HN © Oxbow Books and the authors, 2007 ISBN 978-1-84217-252-0 1-84217-252-0 A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available direct from Oxbow Books, Park End Place, Oxford OX1 1HN (Phone: 01865-241249; Fax: 01865-794449) and The David Brown Books Company PO Box 511, Oakville, CT 06779, USA (Phone: 860-945-9329; Fax: 860-945-9468) or from our website www.oxbowbooks.com Cover by Christina Unwin based on an idea by Rachel Pope; reconstruction of burial by Simon James Printed in Great Britain at Short Run Press, Exeter
Contents
1. New narratives of the Later Iron Age
1
Colin Haselgrove and Tom Moore
2. The dynamics of social change in Later Iron Age eastern and south-eastern England
16
c. 300 BC­AD 43.
J. D. Hill
3. Life on the edge? Exchange, community, and identity in the Later Iron Age
41
of the Severn­Cotswolds
Tom Moore
4. Central places or special places? The origins and development of `oppida' in Hertfordshire
62
Stewart Bryant
5. Cultural choices in the `British Eastern Channel Area' in the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age
81
Sue Hamilton
6. Sea, coast, estuary, land, and culture in Iron Age Britain
107
Steven Willis
7. Social landscapes and identities in the Irish Iron Age
130
Ian Armit
8. Re-situating the Later Iron Age in Cornwall and Devon: new perspectives
140
from the settlement record
L. J. Cripps
9. Unravelling the Iron Age landscape of the Upper Thames valley
156
Gill Hey
10. Rooted to the spot: the `smaller enclosures' of the later first millennium BC
173
in the central Welsh Marches
Andy Wigley
11. From open to enclosed: Iron Age landscapes of the Trent valley
190
David Knight
12. Realigning the world: pit alignments and their landscape context
219
Jim Rylatt and Bill Bevan
13. Good fences make good neighbours? Exploring the ladder enclosures
235
of Late Iron Age East Yorkshire
Melanie Giles
14. Putting the neighbours in their place? Displays of position and possession
250
in northern Cheviot `hillfort' design
Paul Frodsham, Iain Hedley and Rob Young
vi
Contents
15. Dominated by unenclosed settlement? The Later Iron Age in eastern Scotland
266
north of the Forth
Mairi H. Davies
16. Artefacts, regions, and identities in the northern British Iron Age
286
Fraser Hunter
17. Silent Silures? Locating people and places in the Iron Age of south Wales
297
Adam Gwilt
18. Perspectives on insular La Tиne art
329
Philip Macdonald
19. Dancing with dragons: fantastic animals in the earlier Celtic art of Iron Age Britain
339
A. P. Fitzpatrick
20. An archaeological investigation of Later Iron Age Norfolk: analysing hoarding patterns
358
across the landscape
Natasha Hutcheson
21. Detecting the Later Iron Age: a view from the Portable Antiquities Scheme
371
Sally Worrell
22. The end of the Sheep Age: people and animals in the Late Iron Age
389
Umberto Albarella
23. To fish or not to fish? Evidence for the possible avoidance of fish consumption
403
during the Iron Age around the North Sea
Keith Dobney and Anton Ervynck
24. The production and consumption of cereals: a question of scale
419
Marijke van der Veen and Glynis Jones
25. Making magic: later prehistoric and early Roman salt production in the Lincolnshire fenland
430
Elaine L. Morris
26. Excarnation to cremation: continuity or change?
444
Gillian Carr
27. Households and social change in Jutland, 500 BC­AD 200
454
Leo Webley
28. Weapons, ritual, and communication in Late Iron Age northern Europe
468
Peter S. Wells
29. Understanding social change in the Late Iron Age Lower Rhine region
478
Nico Roymans
30. The age of enclosure: Later Iron Age settlement and society in northern France
492
Colin Haselgrove
31. The polities of Gaul, Britain, and Ireland in the Late Iron Age
523
John Collis
List of contributors
529
The end of the Sheep Age: people and animals in the Late Iron Age Umberto Albarella
At a conference in Sheffield a few years ago, I suggested that if the three age system had been created by a British zooarchaeologist, we might today be talking of a Cattle Age (the Early Neolithic), a Pig Age (the Late Neolithic), and a Sheep Age (the Bronze and Iron Ages; Albarella 2000). It goes without saying that this is a complete caricature of the reality, but perhaps no more so than the characterisation of a particular phase of human evolution on the basis of the most common material used to make tools. Of course, just as we find that some Iron Age societies barely used iron, there are also cases of populations of that period for whom sheep were less important than other livestock. Despite the obvious exceptions to any generalisation, it is worth bearing in mind that animals can be as representative of a society as any other elements of material culture. In this paper I will discuss the relationship between people and animals in a period that ranges from approximately the mid second century BC to the first century AD (i.e. the Late Iron Age). We will see that this is a phase that especially deserves to be called the Sheep Age and anticipates the return to the Cattle Age prompted by the Roman invasion in AD 43. The paper is general enough in its aims not to require a precise definition of the area under investigation, but broadly speaking I will be writing about central and southern Britain. The interest of the Late Iron Age for our understanding of past (and present) human cultures cannot be overestimated. This period pre-dates an important invasion, which is historically well documented. It therefore provides us with an excellent opportunity to analyse the effects of acculturation, or at least attempted acculturation. We have little chance of properly understanding the effects of the Roman conquest of Britain, if we do not have at least some idea of the lifestyle and
customs of the British population before that event. The Late Iron Age is not just of historical interest per se, but it also provides us with the opportunity to analyse the mechanisms of cultural contact. This interest is enhanced by the fact that archaeology works at its best when it can be used comparatively, and the study of this period offers us the opportunity to compare life in Britain before and after this major historical event. It would, however, be a mistake to compare the Late Iron Age exclusively with the Roman period, as its characteristics depend equally on what occurred before its onset. A comparison with the Early and Middle Iron Ages ­ although the boundaries are not as clear cut as those with the Roman period ­ is therefore also appropriate. The chief aim of this paper is to investigate to what extent the evidence of animal bones from archaeological sites can help us in characterising the Late Iron Age. To do so we will have to analyse differences and similarities with earlier and later periods. A full review of the available data is beyond the scope of the paper, so I will select the elements which are central to the question of how distinctive was Late Iron Age exploitation of animals. I will not discuss the intriguing dearth of aquatic resources ­ particularly fish ­ at many sites of this period, as this is dealt with in another contribution (Dobney and Ervynck this volume). Equally, I will not deal with the frequent and widespread presence of skeletons or partial skeletons of animals on Iron Age sites. This phenomenon has already generated much debate (e.g. Grant 1984a; Wilson 1992; Hill 1995a), and it would not be very useful to revisit the issue here. This is not to say that this paper will focus exclusively on economic aspects of Iron Age societies. That `faunal... remains on Iron Age sites are very much "cultural" in the nature of their deposition' (Parker Pearson 1996,
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128) is a truism, but it is probably still worth mentioning. Any dump of bone material on an archaeological site has cultural implications, which are connected with the organisation of the society and its beliefs. These characteristics are not exclusive to the so-called `structured depositions' ­ a much-abused term in British archaeology (see Albarella and Serjeantson 2002). Previous studies It is often pointed out that our view of the Iron Age is strongly biased towards central southern Britain (e.g. Bevan 1999a, 1). This bias also applies to the study of animal bones. Although zooarchaeological studies of Late Iron Age faunal assemblages have been undertaken from sites across Britain, their frequency tends to diminish from south to north. A difficult balance therefore needs to be struck between using the evidence from the south as an interesting Case Study, but at the same time avoiding the trap of applying it uncritically to the rest of the country. To draw truly convincing results about past ways of life, zooarchaeologists need to deal with at least a number of large assemblages of bones, which will permit the analysis of aspects of animal exploitation that go well beyond a mere list of exploited species. The reality of the present evidence is that the sites that have produced some of the largest animal bone assemblages tend to be in the same region (Wessex and neighbouring areas). The study of the largest animal bone assemblage ever recovered from an Iron Age site was that carried out by Grant (1984b; 1991; but see Jones 1995 for a final comment) on the material from the famous hillfort of Danebury (Hampshire). The assemblage included bones from all Iron Age phases, but there was no Roman material. Another important Late Iron Age assemblage, also from Hampshire, is that from Owslebury. Regrettably the full study of the bones has never been published, but an Ancient Monuments Laboratory report is available (Maltby 1987). Unlike Danebury, Owslebury did not have any material from the Earlier Iron Age, but provided the opportunity for comparing the Late Iron Age with the Roman period. Bob Wilson has studied several Late Iron Age assemblages, mainly from the upper Thames valley, but his key contribution is probably his work on the horizontal distribution of animal bones, which has made us aware of how different context types may produce assemblages with different biases (for a compendium of this evidence see Wilson 1996). Wilson's approach was also applied to the animal bones from Owslebury, where Maltby (1987) highlighted patterns and differences not only in the vertical, but also in the horizontal distribution of the bones. More recently, Hambleton (1999) has produced a very useful review of the relative frequency and age patterns of the three main dom-
esticates (cattle, sheep, and pig) on British Iron Age sites. There are many other works, but this is the key evidence we must consider in studying the relation between people and animals in the Iron Age. Historical sources Although we have no direct written accounts of the British Late Iron Age, several Greek and Roman writers provide some information about life in Britain in this period, but for the most part this includes only a few vague references to the use of animals. The one source that provides more that a passing reference to agricultural practices and the use of animals in Britain is Caesar's account of the Gallic war. First he mentions the customs of Belgic populations, who had moved from the Continent to the maritime part of Britain. According to Caesar, these people cultivated the fields and owned vast amounts of livestock, and in general led a lifestyle not dissimilar from that of their land of origin. Apparently they restrained from eating hares, domestic fowl, and geese, but liked to keep some of these animals (Gallic War V, 12). In addition, Caesar states that the coastal populations were far more civilised than those living inland, who did not practice agriculture, lived entirely on milk and meat, and dressed in leather (ibid. V, 14). Writing at the end of the first century AD (i.e. after the Roman conquest) Tacitus is disappointingly uninformative about British life in that period. Apart from mentioning the unpleasantness of the climate and the fertility of the soil, which produces many crops but neither olives nor vines (Agricola 12), he is silent about the relationship between indigenous people and their landscape. This lack of detail is particularly lamentable if we compare the Agricola with Tacitus' account of German populations (Germania), with its wealth of information about the local exploitation of natural resources. Among other sources it is worth noting that the Greek Strabo (late first century BC) mentions in his Geography (IV, 5, 4) that Britain exported to the Continent, among other things, grain, cattle, hides, and hunting dogs. One word of comment is necessary. We must bear in mind that classical writers had a biased view of the world, which they tended to interpret as having its central place in Rome (Bevan 1999, 3). For instance Caesar's view of British life in inland areas ­ which can easily be discounted on the basis of archaeological evidence ­ tends to reflect the idea that the level of civilisation decreased when moving further from the area of Roman influence. A similar approach can be detected in Tacitus' account of Germanic populations. In addition, the reliability of these sources cannot be taken for granted. Caesar in particular seems to be rather fanciful in many of his descriptions ­ see for instance the imaginary animals supposed to live in the forested areas between Gaul and Germany (Gallic War VI, 25­28).
The end of the Sheep Age
391
It is therefore possible that these brief descriptions tell us more about Roman ideology than about the reality of the people living in north-west Europe. Yet ­ however biased ­ these words represent our only opportunity to hear a direct account of the people from this distant past, and we should therefore not ignore them.
The Late Iron Age and before A starting date for the Late Iron Age cannot easily be established. Cunliffe (1991, 107) and Haselgrove (1999a, 130) place this around 150 BC, while other authors propose a somewhat later date (see Hill 1995b, 74). What is more important for this paper, however, is to pinpoint what criteria have been adopted to discriminate the Late Iron Age from previous periods. The classic subdivision of the Iron Age is based on pottery typology. The Late Iron Age, in particular, is characterised by the appearance of new pottery forms, which seem to have been influenced by French and Roman originals (Hill 1995b, 79). Among other elements used to identify this period it is worth mentioning the suggested intensification not only in pottery making, but also in salt extraction, ironworking and in general in the trade with the Continent (Cunliffe 1991, 157; Haselgrove 1999a, 128­32). This last phenomenon seems also to have been associated with an increased consumption of exotic foodstuffs and drink, probably used as a means of social distinction (Hill 2002). Even more relevant here is that the period seems to be typified by an intensification in agricultural activity witnessed by the increased clearance of forests and the colonisation of areas with heavier and damper soils (Haselgrove 1999b, 271). This phenomenon is probably linked with the increased use of spelt (Triticum spelta), a type of wheat better suited to heavy soils, for which there is evidence from the Tees lowlands and other areas in northern England (Van der Veen 1992, 77). Are any of these aspects of the Late Iron Age also reflected in the faunal record? The slight relative increase in sheep in the latest phases that seem to characterise the flagship site of the British Iron Age ­ Danebury ­ and a few other sites in Wessex (Grant 1984b; 1984c, 116), has led to the suggestion that in the south of the country sheep numbers increased `throughout the first millennium' (Cunliffe 1991, 380). Maltby (1996, 21) refutes this suggestion, as he regards it to be based on insufficient evidence and not supported by data from other Wessex sites. Hambleton (1999) reinstates Grant and Cunliffe's assumption of a relative increase of sheep on the downland sites of southern England, but fails to identify any similar trend in other British regions. A review that I carried out on sites located in the Midlands and East Anglia, however, suggests that the Wessex situation may not be unique. Figure 1 shows that the frequency of sheep bones is much greater at
Fig. 1. Average frequency of the main domestic mammals at Iron Age and early Roman sites in the Midlands and East Anglia (see Table 1). NISP = Number of identified specimens; NISP 1 = mean of the percentages calculated for each site; NISP 2 = percentage of the total NISP for all sites. Despite small variations, the two calculations (NISP1 and NISP2) show similar trends. Late Iron Age sites than at those of Early and Middle Iron Age date. Details of the sites can be found in Table 1. Hambleton (1999) has already highlighted the fact that Iron Age sites in eastern Britain tend to have a large number of cattle bones. This certainly seems to apply to
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Umberto Albarella
Site Blackhorse Road Harborough Rocks Ivinghoe Beacon Moles Farm Tallington Pennylands ScoleDickleburgh Ardale Aston Mill Farm Blackhorse Road Coldharbour Farm TOTAL Beckford Bierton Blackthorn Braughing Bath House Burgh Clay Lane Cowbit Wash Dragonby Dragonby Elms Farm (Heybridge) Edix Hill (Barrington) Edmundsoles Hardingstone Harlow Temple Moulton Park Nazeingbury Old Bowling Green Puckeridge and Braughing Rainham Moor Hall Farm Skeleton Green Tort Hill West Wardy Hill TOTAL
County
Date
Type
Hertfordshire
EIA
Enclosure
Derbyshire
EIA
Buckinghamshire EIA
Hertfordshire
EIA
Open settlement Hillfort Pit cluster
Lincolnshire Buckinghamshire Norfolk
EIA EIA/MIA EIA/MIA
Enclosure Open settlement Unknown
Essex
MIA
Hereford & Worcs MIA
Hertfordshire
MIA
Unknown Enclosure Enclosure
Buckinghamshire MIA
Open settlement
Hereford & Worcs LIA
Buckinghamshire LIA
Northamptonshire LIA
Hertfordshire
LIA
Suffolk
LIA
Northamptonshire LIA
Lincolnshire
LIA
Lincolnshire
LIA
Lincolnshire
LIA
Essex
LIA
Cambridgeshire LIA
Cambridgeshire LIA
Northamptonshire LIA
Essex
LIA
Enclosure Pit cluster Enclosure Village Enclosure Enclosure Saltern Open settlement Open settlement Open settlement Open settlement Pit cluster Industrial Temple
Northamptonshire LIA
Essex
LIA
Hereford & Worcs LIA
Hertfordshire
LIA
Essex
LIA
Hertfordshire
LIA
Cambridgeshire LIA
Cambridgeshire LIA
Enclosure Farm Industrial Open settlement Unknown Open settlement Open settlement Enclosure
Sheep NISP 48 26 658 11 37 341 231 6 276 130 72 1836 115 607 74 91 692 516 28 2922 3945 216 337 78 473 1777 192 40 147 446 12 449 39 708 13904
Cattle % NISP 98 30 32 1243 54 63 30 710 34 351 102 44 279 26 330 63 3323 134 45 445 68 84 48 585 42 642 94 58 1415 58 1944 18 780 55 177 24 48 379 89 55 30 364 142 94 35 396 91 18 786 64 56 371 9134
Pig % NISP 11 8 61 140 0 13 62 94 56 58 1 44 74 67 31 7 437 27 33 304 6 89 40 178 53 64 2 28 658 29 879 65 196 29 102 41 38 140 3 155 57 79 15 10 31 445 10 32 1202 14 29 183 4799
Reference % Legge et al. 1989 Bishop 1991 7 Westley 1970 Ashdown and Merlen 1970 Harman 1993 8 Holmes 1993 9 Baker 1998 Luff 1988a 12 Lovett 1990 6 Legge et al. 1989 Sadler 1990 Gilmore 1972 22 Jones 1988 Orr 1974 Ashdown and Evans 1977 12 Jones et al. 1987 5 Jones et al. 1985 Albarella 2001 13 Harman 1996 13 Harman 1996 16 Johnstone and Albarella 2002 17 Davis 1995 Miller and Miller 1978 14 Gilmore 1969 8 Legge and Dorrington 1985 12 Orr 1974 Huggins 1978 Locker 1992 35 Croft 1979 Locker 1985 49 Ashdown and Evans 1981 Albarella 1998 15 Davis 2003
Table 1. (above and right) List of sites with frequencies of the main domestic mammals used to create Fig. 1. NISP = Number of identified specimens. Percentages have only been calculated for sites whose total NISP for the three species was greater than 500. Only these sites have been used to calculate NISP 2, while all sites contribute to NISP 1 (see Fig. 1). EIA = Early Iron Age; MIA = Middle Iron Age; LIA = Late Iron Age; ER = Early Roman. These are all hand-collected assemblages. Sites where the hand-collected and sieved samples had been combined have been excluded as they are not comparable with the others.
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393
Site
County
Date
Buckingham Buckinghamshire ER
Street
Caesaromagus Essex
ER
Caesaromagus Essex
ER
Castle Hill
Nottinghamshire ER
(East
Bridgeford)
Causeway
Leicestershire
ER
Lane
Colchester
Essex
ER
Dodder Hill Hereford &
ER
Worcester
Dragonby
Lincolnshire
ER
Dunstable
Bedfordshire
ER
Elms Farm
Essex
ER
(Heybridge)
Grandford
Cambridgeshire ER
Harlow
Essex
ER
Temple
Hockwold-
Norfolk
ER
cum-Wilton
Kelvedon
Essex
ER
Lincoln
Lincolnshire
ER
Lincoln
Lincolnshire
ER
Longthorpe Cambridgeshire ER
Longthorpe Cambridgeshire ER
New Cemetery Staffordshire
ER
Old Bowling Green Orton's Pasture Park Street Puckeridge­ Braughing Rainham Moor Hall Farm Sheepen Sidbury St Peters School The Shires
Hereford &
ER
Worcs
Staffordshire
ER
Northamptonshire ER
Hertfordshire
ER
Essex
ER
Essex
ER
Hereford &
ER
Worcs
Essex
ER
Leicestershire
ER
Wavendon Gate
Buckinghamshire ER
West Stow
Suffolk
ER
Whitwell
Leicestershire
ER
TOTAL
Type Urban
Sheep Cattle Pig Reference Site
NISP %
NISP %
9
15
2
County Date Jones 1982
Temple Local centre Fort
1255 70 130 126
384 22 152 65
146 8 36 6
Luff 1992 Luff 1988b Harman 1969
Urban Urban Fort
1475 36 3206 23 74
1983 48 7838 57 141
675 16 2761 20 10
Gidney 1999 Luff 1993 Davis 1988
Open
413 51
settlement
Burials
102
Open
462 26
settlement
284 35 86 1231 69
Village
461 60
Temple 563 84
218 28
24
4
Villa +
112
Vicus
Unknown 68
Urban
40
Urban
132 22
Fort
596 30
Military 772 36
Fort
66
14
Industrial 195
Enclosure 45
Urban Town
167 701 55
115 96 79 386 65 1123 56 1221 58 306 65 88 129 149 366 29
111 14 1 101 6 91 12 81 12 10 33 12 77 13 276 14 120 6 101 21 14 28 52 215 17
Harman 1996 Jones and Horne 1981 Johnstone and Albarella 2002 Stalllibrass 1982 Legge and Dorrington 1985 Cram 1967 Luff 1988c Scott 1988 Dobney et al. 1996 Marples 1974 King 1987 Levitan 1996 Locker 1992 Hammon 1998 Payne 1980 Fifield 1988
Unknown 10
67
0
Locker
1985
Industrial 1188 20 Roadside 451 47 settlement Enclosure 18
Urban
525 32
Unknown 171 21
3107 52 431 45 166 749 46 611 75
Industrial 279 44
Farm
50
13862
257 41 15 21882
1714 29 71 7 0 360 22 35 4 97 15 5 7241
Luff 1985 Scott 1992 Bedwin 1988 Gidney 1991 Dobney and Jaques 1996 Crabtree 1990 Harman 1981
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Umberto Albarella
the group of chosen sites from the earlier period ­ when cattle is even more frequent than it was to be in the Roman period ­ but not to the Later Iron Age sites. Of course a number of difficulties have to be borne in mind in this comparison. Inter-site analysis is notoriously complex and full of potential pitfalls. Firstly, none of the sites considered has an Early or Middle Iron Age and a Late Iron Age phase. In other words, the two chronological groups include completely different sites and there is no opportunity to observe progression through time at the same site (as was possible at Danebury). This means that, beside chronological changes, factors like different geographical location and type of settlement may affect the frequency of species. In addition, different bone assemblages have probably been subject to different levels of taphonomic modification and quality of recovery during excavation, and derived from different types of contexts. Strictly speaking the two groups of sites are not directly comparable. However, if we consider that no clear correlation has been found between settlement types (with the exception of banjo enclosures that tend to have more sheep), geological location, altitude, and species frequency (Hambleton 1999), we can be more confident that the difference between the two periods is genuine. Preservation and recovery factors will probably also have acted randomly in the two groups and whilst they certainly play a role in affecting the representation of species in individual sites they are unlikely to be the main factor behind this general trend. A less crude comparison should probably be carried out, but in the meantime the evidence points rather convincingly towards an increase in the importance of sheep in the Late Iron Age in Central England. To sum up the situation across the country, we should mention that on the downland of southern England there is a strong predominance of sheep throughout the Iron Age ­ probably reflecting the fact that this is a rather dry area and hence less suitable for cattle breeding. In this area sheep increase further in the later part of the period. In the upper Thames valley the frequency of cattle is much higher, and this predominance remains in place until the end of the period. The damper conditions of this region would not favour sheep husbandry (Grant 1984c, 104). In central England (the Midlands and East Anglia), there is also a predominance of cattle, but this situation is reversed in the Late Iron Age. In all other regions the evidence is too scanty to identify any clear chronological change (see Hambleton 1999, 59­60). The trend, observed in some regions, of an increase in the importance of sheep, is not matched by any parallel change in strategies of sheep husbandry, at least as far as we can tell from the available evidence. There is a hint that the Late Iron Age witnessed an increase in mutton production at some southern sites (Maltby 1987, part 6; 1996, 23), but the general pattern indicates continuity rather than change (Hambleton 1999, 88). In most Iron Age sites ­ early and late ­ a large proportion
of sheep was culled when relatively young, before they reached their optimum size in terms of meat production. This has led Grant (1984c, 107) and other authors to suggest that Iron Age sheep husbandry was more oriented towards wool than meat production. However, a comparison of three Iron Age sites, all displaying a quite typical mortality curve for the period, with a medieval site, where there is almost certainly an emphasis on wool production, shows striking differences between the Iron Age and medieval profiles (Fig. 2). The killing of sheep at such an early age is likely to be connected with the difficulty of keeping and feeding large numbers of animals over the winter. Many yearlings would therefore be slaughtered in the late autumn before they start losing weight (Hambleton 1999, 70). A detailed analysis of the distribution of sheep tooth wear stages at the Mid/Late Iron Age site of Market Deeping (Lincolnshire) has highlighted the presence of a seasonal peak, probably corresponding to the period immediately preceding the coldest part of the year (Albarella 1997). Autumn killing has also been suggested for Edix Hill, Barrington (Davis 1995), and the Puckeridge sites of Station Road (Croft 1979) and Skeleton Green (Ashdown and Evans 1981). Sheep were probably numerous, otherwise such a high rate of juvenile killings would have been difficult to sustain. However, management of the flocks may have been difficult, particularly over the winter. Meat, wool and milk were probably all used, with no specialisation in any particular production. Sheep must also have been important as sacrificial animals, as indicated by zooarchaeological work at the temple of Harlow (Legge and Dorrington 1985). The sacrifices sensibly occurred in autumn, to avoid any clash of economic and religious needs. There seems to be a greater variation in cattle husbandry strategies between different sites. Some ­ like Danebury (Grant 1984a) and Cowbit Wash (Albarella 2001) ­ have large numbers of young calves, perhaps an indication of an emphasis upon milk production, although Hambleton (1999) suggests that this ­ at least in the case of Danebury ­ may represent the effect of a preservation bias. Others have large amounts of immature animals (Maltby 1996, 21), probably an indication of a particular interest in meat production. There are, however, also sites where most cattle are fully adult (Hambleton 1999, 78), which is probably a consequence of their use for traction. All in all there seems to be little evidence of specialisation, with the possible exception of a few individual sites. Most importantly, the evidence does not show any sign of a chronological trend, with the Late Iron Age similar in character to the earlier periods. The only detectable element of animal husbandry that seems to differentiate the Late Iron Age from the previous period is the increase in sheep numbers (relative to cattle) that occurs in some regions. Can we relate this with the hypothesised agricultural intensification men-
The end of the Sheep Age
395
tioned above? Both Cunliffe (1991, 380) and Hambleton (1999, 59) emphasise the importance of sheep manure for increasing soil fertility. Sheep were certainly folded onto the fields on a regular basis, and perhaps they were more suitable than cattle for this purpose, as they cause less damage and also ­ in many environmental conditions ­ they could have been easier to keep. Since crops can provide a higher yield of food per unit area than animal products, it is possible that a population expansion may have brought about the need to intensify agricultural activity, with the main purpose of animal keeping being their service to cultivation. In this respect an increase in sheep may be a by-product of farming intensification. There are, however, still obscure areas in this hypothesis, as cattle, though probably not as efficient as sheep in manuring the land, have the great advantage of providing traction power ­ a key factor in crop production. The clarification of this problem is frustrated by the dearth of sites that have Middle and Late Iron Age phases. As usual, more work is needed, both on the available data and in uncovering new evidence. It has also been suggested that cattle, being more expensive to keep, may be indicators of wealth (Haselgrove 1999b, 268). It is therefore possible that their reduction in number in the Late Iron Age caused ­ or was a consequence ­ of some re-organisation of Iron Age society. If cattle were really a status symbol, then the fact they had become rarer (relatively to sheep) must have made them even more valuable. We should consequently consider the possibility of linking cattle frequency with the higher status of particular sites. Once again economy cannot be completely disconnected from social issues. Pigs are consistently the third commonest species found on Iron Age sites, although a few exceptions occur, like Skeleton Green (Ashdown and Evans 1981). There is a slight trend towards increased pig frequency in the Late Iron Age (Fig. 1 ­ although not at Danebury where the opposite is the case), but it is hard to say to what extent this is significant. Perhaps more interesting is the consideration that relatively low numbers of pig bones are a characteristic of the British Iron Age, as sites in continental Europe tend to have much higher frequencies of this species (Grant 1984c, 112; Hambleton 1999; cf. Mйniel 1987). Since pig is solely a meatproducing species, it is possible that this implies lesser consumption of meat on British sites, which may have relied to a greater extent on crop production. Hunting (particularly of deer) may have been of social importance in the Iron Age (Grant 1981), but had little impact on the diet. Bones of wild animals are found quite regularly on British sites, but always in small numbers. Even in this respect the Late Iron Age does not seem to differ from the earlier periods. The Iron Age faunal record provides little evidence of trade intensification in this period. However, one species, the domestic fowl (Gallus gallus) ­ although it had probably found its way to this country a little earlier ­ turns up with some regularity only from this period
Fig. 2. Relative percentages of sheep mandibles by age-stage at the Iron Age sites of Market Deeping (Albarella 1997), Barrington (Davis 1995), and Ashville (Hamilton 1978). To emphasise the contrast, the kill-off pattern at the medieval site of West Cotton (Albarella and Davis 1994) is also shown.
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Fig. 3. Cattle size (range and mean) at various Iron Age and Roman sites in Britain. Guss = Gussage All Saints (Harcourt 1979); Dan = Danebury (Grant 1991); Ash = Ashville (Wilson et al. 1978); Owl = Owslebury (Maltby 1987); EF = Elms Farm (Johnstone and Albarella 2002).
onwards. In central England domestic fowl are found in Early Iron Age levels at Blackhorse Road, Hertfordshire (Legge et al. 1989), and in the Early/Mid Iron Age phase at Scole-Dickleburgh, Norfolk (Baker 1998), but at many more Late Iron Age sites. At Danebury, which has the full Iron Age sequence, it is not found before the latest part of the period (Grant 1984c, 114). The record therefore confirms Caesar's claim (see above) that British people kept domestic fowl, but there are more doubts about his assertion that these birds were not eaten. Large numbers of chicken bones were found in the Late Iron Age levels at Skeleton Green, Puckeridge (Ashdown 1981), and butchery marks were noted on domestic fowl bones from Station Road (Ashdown 1979). Admittedly both assemblages probably slightly post-date Caesar's visit to Britain, yet it is likely that the practice of eating fowl meat had a longer history. One very important aspect of zooarchaeological analysis that has been neglected for the Iron Age is the examination of the size and shape of the animals, which can be so informative about cultural contact, introductions, and farming intensification. At Danebury a full biometrical study was not undertaken, but preliminary information indicates no change in cattle size over time and only a slight decrease in sheep size (Grant 1991); no comments are provided about pig size over time. Maltby (1996, 22) also believes that cattle were subject to no improvement throughout the Iron Age. The information from most sites (see Fig. 3) is, however, frustratingly approximate in terms of chronology, hampering any opportunity to clarify the question of whether there were any attempts to improve livestock, perhaps triggered by the economic and social changes that were taking place in the Later Iron Age. A frequent comment in reports on Late Iron Age sites is that the livestock was of a small size (e.g. at Burgh, Dragonby, Skeleton Green), but this is an area where more work is badly needed.
The Late Iron Age and beyond The end of the Late Iron Age can quite conveniently be associated with the Roman invasion of AD 43. Obviously an Iron Age style of life did not abruptly end that year, which is why we tend to talk of a late pre-Roman Iron Age, but the Roman conquest undoubtedly brought about significant modifications in the organisation of society and in the use of the countryside. It is, however, debatable to what extent such changes were sudden and revolutionary, or merely represented an acceleration of forces that were already under way. It is therefore necessary to investigate how the animal evidence can contribute to the clarification of this question. Unlike the Middle to Late Iron Age transition, the beginning of the Roman period saw a change in the frequency of the main domestic species that was widespread and is relatively well documented. The increased importance of cattle, mainly at the expense of sheep, is attested at most sites where both Late Iron Age and early Roman phases are represented. This is the case at Owslebury (Maltby 1987), Dragonby (Harman 1996), and Elms Farm, Heybridge (Johnstone and Albarella 2002), where large bone assemblages were analysed. A review of species frequency at a number of sites in East Anglia and the English Midlands is also consistent with this trend (Fig. 1). The earlier warning concerning the difficulties of inter-site comparison applies to this analysis as well, although the larger number of early Roman assemblages makes the results more reliable. Such a clear change in the proportion of the species of greatest economic importance indicates a substantial re-organisation of at least some elements of the farming system. The increased emphasis in cattle husbandry may be related to a number of phenomena: · the need to feed the Roman army with meat rapidly
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Fig 4. Sheep size (range and mean) at various Iron Age and Roman sites in Britain. Dan = Danebury (Grant 1991); Owl = Owslebury (Maltby 1987); EF = Elms Farm (Johnstone and Albarella 2002).
produced by improved cattle breeds imported from the Continent; · the cultural preference for beef, which could have been imported by Central European legionaries associated with the Roman army (see King 1978); · a need to increase agricultural production through intensive ploughing of heavy soils aided by the use of large and powerful oxen. The fact that at most early Roman sites cattle seem to have been slaughtered when adult would support the last suggestion. It is, however, worth mentioning that, while there is no substantial change in the age at slaughter of cattle between the Late Iron Age and the early Roman period at Heybridge, a larger proportion of adult animals is found in later periods (mid second century AD onwards). It is therefore possible that the need to produce meat (perhaps for the army) prompted the change, but this was eventually replaced by a shift to more crop production and the use of cattle for ploughing. There is no indication that pigs ­ the most common animal at Roman sites in Italy ­ increased in importance after the arrival of the Romans. If farming practices were being modified, this was not a phenomenon prompted by Mediterranean cultural preferences. It has been suggested that the dearth of Late Iron Age data prevents us from understanding whether large breeds of animals were introduced to Britain in that period, or as a consequence of the Roman arrival (Millett 1990, 11). Despite the unsatisfactory level of biometrical analysis for the whole of the Iron Age, this is fortunately no longer the case. There is clear evidence of increase in cattle size in the `Belgic/early Roman' period at the site of Bancroft, Buckinghamshire (Holmes and Rielly 1994, table 55). At Owslebury too, larger cattle (and possibly horses, but the sample is small) are found from the beginning of the Roman period, although further
increase occurred later (Maltby 1987, part 5). The most convincing evidence of all comes from the site of Elms Farm, Heybridge, where in the early Roman period cattle are not only more numerous but also considerably larger than their Late Iron Age counterparts (Johnstone and Albarella 2002). Cattle seems to be the only species to have been improved so rapidly. At Elms Farm there is evidence that most other domestic species, including sheep, pig, horse, and domestic fowl also became larger, but not for at least another century after the arrival of the Romans. This evidence suggests that the Essex coast, rather than that of Wessex, probably acted as the main interface between Britain and the rest of the Roman empire (cf. Cunliffe 1991, 545). Since Belgic tribes had settled in central southern England, it is unlikely that they represented the main agent of innovation in agriculture and husbandry. The waves of change were more probably arriving from the South-East. A wider comparison of the metric data is frustrated by the fact that most animal bone reports do not include individual measurements. Not even the six volume report on Owslebury (Maltby 1987) includes the metric data. Consequently any comparison between sites has to rely on ranges and means. Yet, even this crude analysis manages to highlight the increase in cattle size occurring after the end of the Iron Age (Fig. 3). Unfortunately, measurements from different Iron Age phases at Danebury and Ashville were combined, so that it is not possible to demonstrate a lack of size change between the earlier and later part of the period, which is likely to have been the case. Fewer data for sheep are available (Fig. 4), but what little evidence there is indicates a lack of size increase in the early Roman period at both Owslebury and Elms Farm. As mentioned above, sheep improvement eventually occurred at Elms Farm, but not at Owslebury,
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where the local farmers seem to have been content to carry on breeding the same small type of animals, which had been present since the Iron Age. The increase in size that occurs after the end of the Iron Age ­ immediately for cattle, later on for other species ­ is accompanied by a general increase in variation (e.g. Johnstone and Albarella 2002, Figs. 38­ 40). Small livestock of the Iron Age type are still present, but alongside larger animals, which contribute to increased mean values. Due to their rather sudden size increase it is likely that some cattle were imported from the Continent, although some local improvement may have also occurred. The importance of livestock improvement, as part of a more general phenomenon of acculturation, should not be underestimated. The ancient Latin sources make it abundantly clear that this was a significant element of cultural differentiation for both the Romans and the indigenous populations of North-Western Europe. Caesar (Gallic War IV, 2), for instance, compares the Gauls, who were prepared to spend large sums of money to procure improved animals, with the Germans, who preferred to keep local livestock, despite this being small and ungraceful. There is an implicit verdict here of cultural backwardness on the German populations. Tacitus claims that for the Germans it is only important to have large numbers of livestock, and they do not care about the fact that their cattle are short, ugly, and hornless (Germania 5). Unfortunately, we do not have comparable accounts for Britain, but it is likely that the Romans regarded its inhabitants in a similar fashion. In Roman eyes, the keeping of unimproved livestock was a sign of primitiveness, but for the local population they could have represented a way to maintain their cultural identity, as suggested by the difference in attitude between Gauls and Germans described by Caesar. If we accept this point, it is not surprising that no evidence of livestock improvement exists throughout the Iron Age. Even in a period of frequent cultural contact with the Continent ­ as the Late Iron Age must have been ­ local populations may have been reluctant to give up their traditional systems of husbandry. Only a massive event like the Roman invasion seems to have brought about a significant change. Large animals are not necessarily better than small ones. Improved livestock can produce a greater meat output, perhaps better quality wool and greater traction power, and is therefore more suitable for intensive agriculture and an economy strongly oriented towards the market. However, the small, ungracious native animals could have been more resilient in local environmental conditions, and were probably maintained at less expense and with a lower labour input. Among other elements that help to differentiate between the use of animals in the Late Iron Age and the early Roman period, it is worth mentioning some butchery patterns that seem to have been introduced by
the Romans soon after their arrival. Two types in particular seem to have been typically Roman. One is represented by perforations in cattle scapulae, probably caused by hook damage, and generally associated with the brining or smoking of meat joints (Schmid 1972; Dobney 2001). The other is a pattern of intensive butchery on cattle post-cranial bones, which are normally reduced to small, clearly chopped, pieces. This type of assemblage (normally not much else is found in these groups of bones) has become known as a `soupkitchen' deposit, as it was originally interpreted as the result of the preparation of soup or broth (Van Mensch 1974). However, we cannot exclude the possibility that it represents waste from intensive fat extraction, or the making of glue. Both types of butchery have been identified at Elms Farm in the early Roman levels, but not earlier. One Late Iron Age site in Britain ­ Bierton, in Buckinghamshire (Jones 1988) ­ has produced evidence of hooked scapulae but the relevant assemblage is dated to the first century BC/AD and may therefore include post-conquest material. Both hooked scapulae and `soup-kitchen' deposits are known from continental Europe but they are not found on Italian sites. While different regions must have been affected in different ways, the animal bone evidence supports Cunliffe's view (1991, 200) of a rapid process of Romanisation, although further changes did occur at a later stage. What is difficult to establish is whether these changes in farming practices were the result of dietary and economic causes, or were cultural preferences imposed upon a reluctant population. Probably both elements, difficult to disentangle in the archaeological record, played a role. Conclusions The above discussion can lead to a number of different interpretations of Late Iron Age animal husbandry, according to which line of evidence is considered to be of the greatest importance. · One possibility is to see the Late Iron Age as a period of transition, which prepares and anticipates the greater changes that occurred after the Roman conquest. The evidence for this viewpoint is, however, rather slim and can probably be confined to the appearance of the domestic fowl in the faunal record and the occasional case of a small pet dog or Roman style of butchery found on Late Iron Age sites. · Conversely, we could interpret the Late Iron Age on the basis of its distinctiveness, as perhaps suggested by the increased emphasis in sheep husbandry noted in some regions. This is at odds with what subsequently occurred in the Roman period, and also distinguishes the Late Iron Age from the previous period.
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· Finally, we may emphasise the degree of continuity between the Late Iron Age and earlier times. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that differences in animal husbandry seem to have been much greater between the Roman period and the Late Iron Age, than between this and the Earlier Iron Age. In reality, the two centuries preceding the Roman conquest are characterised by all the elements described above, with a different emphasis at particular times and places. Yet, the overriding impression is one of continuity. However important the episodes of agricultural intensification that took place in the Late Iron Age, they are overshadowed by the massive changes that occur throughout the Roman period. The strong emphasis placed on innovations brought about by the arrival of the Romans does raise the concern that such an interpretation may simply be the consequence of adopting a core­periphery view of the Roman area of influence, which will inevitably portray the periphery as backwards and rather static in its social and economic developments. In reaction, some authors have emphasised the fact that some changes in farming practices may have taken place in Britain before the Roman conquest (e.g. Millett 1990). We have, however, seen that ­ as far as the faunal record is concerned ­ there is little evidence that this was really the case. Perhaps attempts to play down the effects of Romanisation, and indeed of getting rid of the term altogether, suffer from the problem of regarding the move towards intensification and market economy as necessary and inevitable, and indeed a sign of civilisation. The difference with more traditional views of the Roman conquest, influenced by the words of sources such as Caesar and Tacitus, is simply that this change is suggested to have occurred at an earlier date. An alternative way to look at this question is to interpret the reluctance of British Iron Age populations to adopt elements of the Roman economy, and in particular strategies of animal husbandry, as a sign of vitality rather than backwardness. Haselgrove (1999b, 255), for instance, has pointed out that `failure of material to enter the record on Iron Age settlements might reflect cultural choices on the part of the inhabitants rather than material impoverishment'. That there was a widespread resistance to adopt a Roman style of life can also be detected in the words of the ancient writers. It has already been mentioned that German populations were content with livestock of small stature despite the availability of larger animals through trade. At the same time some of them ­ according to Caesar ­ refused to drink wine as this would weaken the men (Gallic War IV, 2). Apart from avoiding the less pleasant Physical effects of some of these imports, it is likely that the Germans were also trying to preserve their cultural identity, threatened by the expansion of Rome.
A similar situation may have occurred in Britain, where trade contact was certainly already intense in the first century BC (Cunliffe 1991; Hill 1995b). That this does not seem to have been followed by widespread changes in the economic system may be due to attempts of cultural self-preservation. The Iron Age animal economy seems to have continued for many centuries without an apparent need for substantial modification. The system was probably relatively sustainable and did not need the support of imported goods. Eventually the British population gave in, and, as Tacitus notoriously reports, `were led to things which dispose to vice, the lounge, the bath, the elegant banquet. All this in their ignorance they called civilisation, when it was but a part of their servitude' (Agricola 21). The evidence of the animal bones, however, suggests that the process was long and that, in order to be accomplished, it had to await the physical occupation of the island by the Romans. The final period of the Iron Age therefore saw not only the end of prehistory, but also of political freedom and cultural independence for the British populations. As herds of large imported cattle replaced flocks of small native sheep it was clear that the Sheep Age too had come to an end. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Colin Haselgrove and Tom Moore for inviting me to contribute to this volume, and Marina Ciaraldi, Simon Davis, and an anonymous referee for comments on an earlier draft. Bibliography Albarella, U. 1997. The Iron Age Animal Bone Excavated in 1991 from Outgang Road, Market Deeping (MAD 91), Lincolnshire. London: English Heritage Ancient Monuments Laboratory Report 5/97. Albarella, U. 1998. The animal bones, in P. Ellis, G. Hughes, P. Leach, C. Mould and J. Sterenberg, Excavations alongside Roman Ermine Street, Cambridgeshire 1996, 99­104. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports British Series 276. Albarella, U. 2000. The Pig Age: people and animals at the Neolithic­ Bronze Age boundary in Britain. Paper presented at the conference Food, Identity and Culture in the Neolithic and early Bronze Age, Sheffield. Albarella, U. 2001. Animal bone and mammal and bird remains, in T. Lane and E.L. Morris (eds), A Millennium of Saltmaking: Prehistoric and Romano-British Salt Production in the Fenland, 75­77; 151; 237; 383­385; 445­449. Heckington: Lincolnshire Archaeology and Heritage Reports 4. Albarella, U. and Davis, S. 1994. The Saxon and Medieval Animal Bones Excavated 1985­1989 from West Cotton, Northamptonshire. London: English Heritage Ancient Monuments Laboratory Report 17/94. Albarella, U. and Serjeantson, D. 2002. A passion for pork: meat consumption at the British late Neolithic site of Durrington Walls, in P. Miracle and N. Milner (eds), Consuming Passions and Patterns of
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Buckinghamshire Archaeological Society Monograph 10. Dobney, K., Jaques, D. and Irving, B. 1996. Of Butchers and Breeds. Report on Vertebrate Remains from Various Sites in the City of Lincoln. Lincoln: Lincoln Archaeological Studies 5. Fifield, P. 1988. The faunal remains, in T. Potter and S. Trow, Puckeridge­Braughing, Hertfordshire: The Ermine Street Excavations 1971­72. The Late Iron Age and Roman Settlement (Hertfordshire Archaeology 10), 148­153. Gidney, L. 1991. Leicester, The Shires 1988 Excavations. The Animal Bones from the Roman Deposits at Little Lane. London: English Heritage Ancient Monuments Laboratory Report 56/91. Gidney, L. 1999. The animal bones, in A. Connor and R. Buckley, Roman and Medieval Occupation at Causeway Lane, Leicester, 310­329. Leicester: Leicester Archaeology Monograph 5. Gilmore, F. 1969. The animal and human skeletal remains, in P.J. Woods, Excavations at Hardingstone, Northampton, 1967­8, 43­55. Northampton: Northamptonshire County Council. Gilmore, F. 1972. Animal remains, in A. Oswald, Excavations at Beckford, Transactions of the Worcestershire Archaeological Society (Ser. 3) 3, 18­27 (7­54). Grant, A. 1981. The significance of deer remains at occupation sites of the Iron Age to the Anglo-Saxon period, in M. Jones and G. Dimbleby (eds), The Environment of Man: the Iron Age to the AngloSaxon Period, 205­212. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports British Series 87. Grant, A. 1984a. Survival or sacrifice? A critical appraisal of animal burials in Britain in the Iron Age, in C. Grigson and J. CluttonBrock (eds), Animals and Archaeology 4: Husbandry in Europe, 221­ 227. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series 227. Grant, A. 1984b. Animal husbandry, in B. Cunliffe, Danebury: an Iron Age Hillfort in Hampshire, Vol. 2. The Excavations, 1969­1978: the Finds, 496­548. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 42. Grant, A. 1984c. Animal husbandry in Wessex and the Thames valley, in B. Cunliffe and D. Miles (eds), Aspects of the Iron Age in Central Southern Britain, 102­119. Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph 2. Grant, A. 1991. Animal husbandry, in B. Cunliffe and C. Poole, Danebury: an Iron Age Hillfort in Hampshire, Vol. 5. The Excavations, 1979­1988: the Finds, 447­487. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 73. Hambleton, E. 1999. Animal Husbandry Regimes in Iron Age Britain. A Comparative Study of Faunal Assemblages from British Iron Age sites. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports British Series 282. Hamilton, J. 1978. A comparison of the age structure at mortality of some Iron Age and Romano-British sheep and cattle, in Parrington 1978, 126­133. Hammon, A. 1998. Orton's Pasture, Rocester, Staffordshire. Report on the Animal Bones. unpublished report, Birmingham University Field Archaeological Unit. Harcourt, R. 1979. The animal bones, in G.J. Wainwright, Gussage All Saints. An Iron Age Settlement in Dorset, 150­60. London: Department of the Environment Archaeological Report 10. Harman, M. 1969. The animal bones, in M. Todd, The Roman Settlement at Margidunum: The Excavations of 1966­8 (Transactions of the Thoroton Society 73), 96­103.
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Harman, M. 1981. The mammalian bones, in M. Todd, The Iron Age and Roman Settlement at Whitwell, Leicestershire, 40­42. Leicester: Leicestershire Museums, Art Galleries and Records Service Archaeological Report 1. Harman, M. 1993. The mammalian bones, in C.A.I. French, D.A. Gurney, F.M.M. Pryor and W.G.A. Simpson, A double pitalignment and other features at field OS29, Tallington, Lincs, in W.G. Simpson, D.A. Gurney, J. Neve, and F.M.M. Pryor, The Fenland Project, No. 7, Excavations in Peterborough and the Lower Welland Valley 1960­1969, 64­65 and fiche C4­5 (29­68). Peterborough: East Anglian Archaeology Report 61. Harman, M. 1996. Mammalian bones, in J. May, Dragonby. Report on Excavations at an Iron Age and Romano-British Settlement in North Lincolnshire, 141­161. Oxford: Oxbow Monograph 61. Haselgrove, C. 1999a. The Iron Age, in J. Hunter and I.B.M. Ralston (eds), The Archaeology of Britain: An Introduction from the Palaeolithic to the Industrial Revolution, 113­134. London: Routledge. Haselgrove, C. 1999b. Iron Age Societies in Central Britain: retrospect and prospect, in Bevan 1999b, 253­278. Hill, J.D. 1995a. Ritual and Rubbish in the Iron Age of Wessex. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports British Series 242. Hill, J.D. 1995b. The Pre-Roman Iron Age in Britain and Ireland (ca. 800 B.C. to A.D. 100): an overview, Journal of World Prehistory 9, 47­98. Hill, J.D. 2002. Just about the potter's wheel? Using, making and depositing Middle and Late Iron Age pots in East Anglia, in A. Woodward and J.D. Hill (eds), Prehistoric Britain: the Ceramic Basis, 143­160. Oxford: Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group Occasional Publication 3. Holmes, J.M. 1993. Animal bones, in R.J. Williams, Pennyland and Hartigans: Two Iron Age Sites in Milton Keynes, 133­54. Aylesbury: Buckinghamshire Archaeological Society Monograph 4. Holmes, J. and Rielly, K. 1994. Animal bone from the `Mausoleum' site, in R.J. Williams and R.J. Zeepvat, Bancroft. A Late Bronze Age/ Iron Age Settlement, Roman Villa and Temple Mausoleum. Vol. 2: Finds and Environmental Evidence, 515­549. Aylesbury: Buckinghamshire Archaeological Society Monograph 7. Huggins, P.J. 1978. Appendix 9. Animal bones, mollusca and egg, in P.J. Huggins, Excavation of Belgic and Romano-British Farm with Middle Saxon Cemetery and Churches at Nazeingbury, Essex, 1975­6, Essex Archaeology and History 10, 108­114 (29­ 118). Johnstone, C. and Albarella, U. 2002. The Late Iron Age and RomanoBritish Mammal and Bird Bone Assemblage from Elms Farm, Heybridge, Essex. Portsmouth: Centre for Archaeology Report 45/2002. Jones, E. and Horne, B. 1981. Analysis of skeletal material, in C. Matthews, A Romano-British inhumation cemetery at Dunstable. Appendix: a Roman cesspit with skeletons, Bedfordshire Archaeological Journal 15, 69­72 (63­72). Jones, G. 1982. The animal bones, in D. Allen, Salvage excavations at 13­19 Buckingham Street and the Bull's Head redevelopment site, Aylesbury, in 1979 and 1980, 94­5, Records of Buckinghamshire 24, 81­100. Jones, G. 1988. The Iron Age animal bones, in D. Allen, Excavations at Bierton, a late Iron Age `Belgic' settlement, Roman Villa and 12th­18th century manorial complex, Records of Buckinghamshire 28, 32­39 (1­120).
Jones, M. 1995. Aspects of animal husbandry, in B. Cunliffe, Danebury: An Iron Age Hillfort in Hampshire, Vol. 6. A Hillfort Community in Perspective, 50­53. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 102. Jones, R., Levitan, B., Stevens, P. and Malim, T. 1985. Clay Lane, Northamptonshire. The Vertebrate Remains. London: English Heritage Ancient Monuments Laboratory Report 4811. Jones, R., Sly, J. and Beech, M. 1987. Burgh, Suffolk: the Vertebrate Remains 1987. London: English Heritage Ancient Monuments Laboratory Report 14/87. King, A. 1978. A comparative survey of bone assemblages from Roman sites in Britain, Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology London 15, 207­232. King, J. 1987. The animal bones, in G. Dannell and J. Wild, Longthorpe II. The Military Works-Depot: an Episode in Landscape History, 184­ 194. London: Britannia Monograph 8. Legge, A.J. and Dorrington, E.J. 1985. The animal bones, in N.E. France and B.M. Gobel, The Romano-British Temple at Harlow, Essex, 122­133. Harlow: West Essex Archaeological Group. Legge, A.J., Williams, J. and Williams, P. 1989. Animal remains from Blackhorse Road, Letchworth, in J. Moss-Eccardt, Archaeological investigations in the Letchworth area, 1958­1974, Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society 77, 90­95 (35­103). Levitan, B. 1996. Vertebrate remains, in S. Esmonde Cleary and I. Ferris, Excavations at the New Cemetery, Rocester, Staffordshire, 1985­ 1987 (Transactions of the Staffordshire Archaeological and Historical Society 35 for 1993­94), 186­205. Locker, A. 1985. Rainham Moor Hall Farm ­ animal bones. London: English Heritage Ancient Monuments Laboratory Report 4577. Locker, A. 1992. Animal bone, in S. Woodiwiss (ed.), Iron Age and Roman Salt Production and the Medieval Town of Droitwich, 84­92. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 81. Lovett, J. 1990. Animal bone, in J. Dinn and J. Evans, Aston Mill Farm, Kemerton: Excavation of a ring-ditch, Middle Iron Age enclosures and a Grubenhaus, Transactions of the Worcestershire Archaeological Society (Ser. 3) 12, 48­53 (5­66). Luff, R. 1985. The fauna, in R. Niblett, Sheepen: an Early Roman Industrial Site at Camulodunum, 143­150; Fiche 4:A2­E7. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 57. Luff, R. 1988a. The animal bones, in T.J. Wilkinson, Archaeology and Environment in South Essex: Rescue Archaeology along the Grays By-pass, 1979/80, 99. Chelmsford: East Anglian Archaeology 42. Luff, R. 1988b. The faunal remains, in P.J. Drury 1988, The Mansio and other Sites in the South-Eastern Sector of Caesaromagus, 118­122; Fiche 2D­E. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 66. Luff, R. 1988c. The animal bone, in K. Rodwell, The Prehistoric and Roman Settlement at Kelvedon, Essex, 89­91. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 63. Luff, R. 1992. The faunal remains, in N.P. Wickenden, The Temple and Other Sites in the North-Eastern Sector of Caesaromagus, 116­24. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 75. Luff, R. 1993. Animal Bones from Excavations in Colchester, 1971­85. Colchester: Colchester Archaeological Report 12. Maltby, M. 1987. The Animal Bones from the Excavations at Owslebury, Hants. An Iron Age and Early Romano-British Settlement. London: English Heritage Ancient Monuments Laboratory Report 6/87.
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File: the-end-of-the-sheep-age-people-and-animals-in-the-late-iron.pdf
Title: 22_Albarella
Author: Oxbow Books
Subject: 22_Albarella
Published: Wed May 2 10:51:18 2007
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